Drinking w ater supply.

Upto 1961 the water supply and sanitary systems were under the responsibility of the Ministry of Public Works and Transport (MOPT), some Local Governments and Community Associations. In 1961, the Legislative Assembly approved the law to create the National System for Water and Drains, although some Municipalities continued to control their own water systems.^® Although there was a huge opposition to the new law, the Executive Power found enough support in the Legislative Assembly to create this Institution as a condition for a loan from foreign banks. Municipalities, Community Organizations and thousands of families criticized the move because other conditions of the external loan were price-increases and a loss of control by local groups and local governments over their previous investments in drains and water networks.^®

In 1975, the Central Government changed the original law to create an autonomous institution (called A Y A), with new management systems and control over its own budget independent of the Central Budget. This new reform gave the AYA power to develop its own long­ term programmes for development or reconstruction of drains and water networks. A few Municipalities maintained control over administrative procedures, but had no control over planning or any right to obtain external loans for development (Romero, 1988:137).

In July 1979 AYA (then called ICAA) fixed the boundaries for a restricted zone for new buildings, inside the Metropolitan Area of San José. Outside that zone the AYA banned any new buildings until the completion of projects to supply enough water These projets would supply enough water for the expected demand of the AMSJ until the end of the century. However, independent observers criticized the programme and emphasized that there were serious deficiencies in the water networks which meant a very high percentage of losses and danger of pollution. In 1983, the National Conference for Housing analyzed the conditions of drains and water supply and concluded:

"The fact that there would be enough water for the whole AMSJ, does not mean that there are adequate systems for distribution, storage and treatment. There is not a proper budget for development of new networks, and reservoirs or for maintenance in relation to urban growth" (CNVU; 1984:papers).

The Metropolitan Regional Plan (GAM, 1983:43) said that the theoretically existing supply was 368 litres per day per inhabitant (I/d/i), with an average consumption in residential areas (with meters) of 231 I/d/i. This suggested high losses because of leakage or inadequate use (upto 48%). However potability was very high, even by international standards: 98%. The Oros/'Project and its connection to the AMSJ network was inaugurated in 1986 and ICAA abolished building restrictions for the whole of the AMSJ.

Figure 2.4 show the accessibility of ’occupied housing units’ to drinking water networks from 1963 to 1984 (census periods). In the country as a whole the total number of houses grew by 1.43 from 1963 to 1973 and 1.51 from 1973 to 1984. The number of houses with individual connections to water networks grew faster in both periods: 1.63 in the first one and 1.67 in the second. The percentage of houses with individual water supply rose from 68% to 78% from 1963 to 1973 and increased even more to 86% by mid 1984.

Urban zones show better conditions than rural ones, and particularly in the most concentrated area of urban population, the province of San José. The total number of houses in San José grew faster than in the country as a whole (1.47) during the first period and again also from 1973 to 1983 (1.51), which suggests a steady immigration process. Accessibility to drinking water was very high in the province of San José since the early 1960s (including rural and urban zones). In 1963, 81% of the houses had individual water connections. This suggests almost total coverage in the cities of the province because normally rural areas have more difficulties in getting water networks. In 1973 the percentage grew to 90% with a growth ratio of 1.62, and during the last ten years upto 1984, maintained almost the same growth (1.6) to reach a percentage of coverage of 96%.

Figure 2.4

SUPPLY OF WATER AND ELECTRICITY

1963-1984

u

Total of houses Water -individual- Electric lighting Electricity for cook 1963 231.153 157.967 126.135 58.627 1973 330.857 258.849 219.277 112.868 1984 500.031 434 J45 415.463 243.031 COSTA RICA 1963 Census Years EH] 1973 1984 200 0 j -

Total of houses 1 Water -individual- Electric lighting j Electricity for cook 1 1963 86.411 1 70.721 62.254 1 43.421 '

1973 i 127.129 I 114.801 103.618 j 77.576

i 1984 ' 192.071 ! 184.672 176.726 ! 133.631

San José Province

1963

Census Years

The number of houses without individual water connections in 1984 was less than 7 thousand, most of them probably tugurios which were 4,500 in the same year. The rest were probably rural houses in remote areas of the province, in farms or isolated alongside rural roads. The situation worsened in 1985 with new precarios, but later these precarios were transformed in CEV projects, which included individual connections.

B. Sewerage

The main drainage system of the central canton of San José was built in 1925 and continued functioning. During the 1960s new networks included extensive zones of the Greater Metropolitan Area of San José (GAM) based upon loans by BID, but the main rivers continued as major collectors or open drains. At the beginning of the 1980s the drainage network covered 57% of the total number of houses with individual drinkable water supply (GAM; 1983:251). This meant that almost half the population used septic tanks and drainage in their lots instead of sewers.

Figure 2.5 show the changes in the number of installations of sewer systems in the country and in the province of San José between 1963 and 1984. There was a clear proportional increase in the use of sewers and septic tanks as against latrines, though there was also an increase in the actual number of concrete latrines used. The high ratio of the growth is apparent if compared with the growth in the total number of houses. During the first inter-census period the total number of houses grew by 1.43 while the number of houses with 'sewer or septic tank’ grew by 2.13. During the second period the ratios of growth were respectively 1.51 and 2.27.

This reflects very high investment in public networks, sewers and treatment installations, as well as changes in the control of designs and in the economic capacity of the families who bought new buildings during those 20 years. The percentage of houses with sewers or septic tanks grew from 30% in 1963 to 44% in 1973 to 66% in 1984 in the whole country.

San José province shows the same pattern to the extend that different forms from sewers and septic tanks almost disappeared. The ratio of growth was less than that for the whole country but the point of departure was higher: 44% in 1963. This percentage grew to 62% in 1973 and to 81% in 1984. In the urban zones of this province the percentage was more than 90%.

In 1984, 61% of the houses with 'wooden latrines' were tugurios of the city of San José. Of the houses without any system at all 66% were tugurios as also were 90% of the houses with 'other forms'. At that time there were 277 urban tugurios in San José, including the land invasions during the first administration and particularly the relocations of tuguriosXo government properties from 1983, during the Monge Administration.

During the 1980s, some projects to build new sewers, including the main drains of the whole GAM, were interrupted due to lack of resources. Consequently, some small rivers and the main two rivers of the GAM continued as open drains. This has remained a source of pollution, particularly for hundreds of low-income families who live alongside these rivers. The sewer network covered 60% of the whole Greater Metropolitan Area by the end of the decade.

Figure 2.5