Dynamic Sets

The Igbo exihibits major characteristics which mark them out as distinct people. This is anchored on the ways and manners at which they understand their lives and which informs the way they act. This section studies these different ways the Igbo perceive their world especially as they relate with others.

4.1.1 Igbo Religious Life

For major characteristics of the Igbo, Nwala (1985) maintains that "the traditional Igbo are deeply religious people" (p.l 14). He maintains that they are truly religious people at whom it can be said as it has been said to the Hindus, that they eat religiously, battle religiously, dress religiously and sin religiously. This implies that the Igbo are so religious that it manifest in anything they do.

They are so religious that one can specifically say without any form of contradiction that religion is in their very existence. Obiefuna and Anago (2010) further maintain that "the Igbo people are deeply religious and as such deeply culture conscious as religion is at the heart of culture"(p.340).

This goes to explain that the Igbo people are so tied to their religion that it is almost impossible to separate them from it. Okoro (2010) adds that "religion permeates all aspects of Igbo life".(p.34).

Religion as far as the Igbo are concerned is intrinsically woven into the society's various aspects of life.

As discussed above, religion plays core value in Igbo life. This is discovered in Igbo life of prayer. This the Igbo believe helps them as they offer to the gods and this helps them in what they do. Nwala (1985) agrees that:

When a man is sick, libation is poured and incantations said invoking chukwn, the local gods and the ancestors to come to his rescue. Before food is eaten or even kola is taken, bits are thrown out for the gods and the ancestors. Parents take bits of food or kola and encircle over their heads and those of the children and have them thrown out for the gods and ancestors, (p. 144).

The Igbo form of prayer varies. Many people confuse Igbo prayer with sacrifice and offerings. Inasmuch as the two items mentioned above go with prayers, prayers for specific purposes may either be long, short or in outbursts. They could also appear in names and statements. That is why Mbiti (1969) insists that "Praying may or may not always be accompanied by sacrifices and offerings" (p.61).To him, it is the commonest act of worship, and most African (Igbo) prayers are short, extempore and to the point though there are also examples of long and formal prayers. It is important also to note that prayers, sacrifices, with other vital elements of inception are constant features of the daily lives of the Igbo people. When the Igbo receive gifts from a loved one, he proffers sacrifice and prayers to the gods as thanksgiving and appreciation.

4.1.3 Igbo Love for Parables

Another veritable arm of Igbo life is the love or proverbs as a form of speech. Arinze (1970) says that "for Igbos, to speak always in very plain and simple language is to talk like inexperience little children"(p.3). For the Igbo, proverb is the oil for eating speech. When issues of vital

community importance was discussed, the grey heads spoke and discussed through proverbs and the uninitiated though there understands absolutely nothing. Arinze (1970) further argues that proverbs makes definite plea accumulated wisdom handed down by the ancient sages. This implies that proverbs reveal profound thought to the soul of the people. Igbo describes proverbs as the oil with which words are eaten Ilu bti mmanu ndi Igboji eri ok\vn.

4.1.3 Igbo Respect for Family Life

The Igbo have great and absolute respect for marriage and family. Arinze (1970) says that marriage is not just an affair of a young man and his fiancee but a long process between both families, entailing the marriage payments by the fiance, religious ceremonies and sacrifice, and the celebration of the maniage itself. Peil (1977) suggests that family institutions (sex, maniage, parenthood, kinship) are basic to the society because they provide and cherish new members without which the society would disappear. The implication of the above statement is that marriage and family are community affairs in which the families of the fiance and fiancee including their villages are involved. This goes further to mean that a child does not belong to his family alone but to the generality of the community. As a member of the community, his character in the society does not affect his family alone but the entire community. Hence there is a chain reaction when a member of a community misbehaved. Onyewuenyi (2002) therefore asserts that "the ontological cobweb relationship is exhibited in the full" in the process of maniage" (p.422).

Iffih (2005) assert that "in traditional African family, the choice of marriage partner was the exclusive right of the parents" (p.390). In this respect, therefore, marriage revolves around

the consent of both families, and involves both relatives who have a say in the suitability of the choices made.

Just like in marriage, the Igbo people have great love for children. A family without a child in Igbo is like a home without hope or future. Obi (1978) contends that:

This love for having children is manifested in Igbo names. One of these is "nwabuwa" -a child is the entire world. This name exposes the Igboman's sentiment and the high water mark of his ambitions. Other things in life rank second to this desire. Then, there are names equally very expressive — Nwakasi, a child is priceless, most precious; Nwakaku or Nwakego, a child out-values all money, all wealth; Nwadi-aguu, a child is desirable, man is literarily famished with the hunger for children, (p. 1). A childless marriage is universally recognized as chi-ojoo or bad luck. On this, Basden

(1946) comments that a childless marriage is a source of serious disappointment, and sooner or later, leads to serious trouble between man and wife. Arinze (1970) therefore asserts that a family without children has little or no meaning for the Igbo.

4.1.4 Igbo Spirit of Egalitarianism

The next most important character of the Igbo is their spirit of egalitarianism. Nzomiwu (1999) affirms that it is a special feature of Igbo traditional community that it is both communitarian and egalitarian. Anyone who has perceptibility to pierce the veil of Igbo corporateness will discover the tensions as well as the individual self-assertions that sometimes go on within the group.

Ogbonnaya (1982) asserts on this note that:

The political, social, economic and religious structures of the traditional Igbo society revolve round the unwritten Omenala as guide for morality and for socialization. Its

egalitarian republican spirit makes it easy for everybody to participate in the running and governance of the village and community. Everybody is important and every view point counts in decision making, (p.4).

Individual persons are definitely recognized but are inseparably linked by the concrete solidarity of all in the community. Obi (1982) still argues that

Although some parts of Igboland have a kingship structure, even then the participation of members of the community is not in doubt. This lack of centralized political structure and Ndigbo's republican spirit account for the failure of indirect rule system in Igboland during colonialism. No human society however achieves absolute equality among its citizens and in it is not different in the Igbo society, (p.7) .

4.1.5 Hospitality in Igbo Family Life

Perhaps, the place the Igbo excel is in her life of hospitality. Nobody visits a friend, even his enemy without first receiving the salutatory word "nno" (welcome) and the offering of kola nut by the guest. Kola nut is the tangible element of the welcome which is also symbolic. The psycho-religious ritual of breaking the kola-nut signals the goodwill of the host. On this,Olikenyi (2001) affirms that:

Having verbally indicated their (i.e., the host's and the guest's) good relationship through the exchange of greetings, African (Igbo) hospitality demands, first, that the host concretely shows the guest that he is accepted by presenting a tangible symbolic element (or elements as the case may be) to him; second, that the relationship be re-affirmed by

both parties partaking of the element This'is done before any discussion about the purpose of the visit, (p.l 14).

In most Igbo societies, the host presents nzu (white chalk) in the absence of kola nut and could be accompanied by presenting and sharing of palm-wine. Olikenyi (2001) continues to argue that the Igbo present kola nut Qji of which they and their guests partake. In most cases, it is accompanied by sharing wine mmanya. There could be other secondary elements. This may include water which will be used to wash hands which is a cleansing function and according to Olikenyi (2001), the "white chalk with which to draw lines on the floor symbolizes purity of heart" (p. 115).

4.1.6 Igbo Love for Music

The Igbo love music. Music plays vital role in their life. Through music, the Igbo relay their joy, sorrow, thanks, appreciation and any form of feeling for God/gods and fellow human. Music is also an inseparable part of Igbo festive and ritual life. To Okafor, Emeka and Inyiama (2008), the Igbo have only one word: egwu or nkwa or uri dialectical variants for vocal music, instrumental music and dance. Okafor (2008) corroborates Jone (1949) confirming that:

In a land where science does not provide ready-made recreation, the people have to make it themselves; and so all social recreation is always accompanied by music. One might almost say that it is built in music. It is a social musical occasion, (p. 291).

But Chiriedu (2014) was of the opinion that the expression of dance among the Igbo can

be traced to their traditional ceremonies, such as the child birth and all ceremonies surrounding the birth of a child. This includes, naming ceremonies, festivals, and other activities which appear in appointed order, and which have music or dances and usually both as a sine quo non.

Achike and Umezinwa (2010) maintain that the "Igbo are naturally musical" (p.440).This is true because throughout history into the modern times, the advent of Christianity has neither destroyed nor diminished this musical nature of the Igbo people. It has only brought with sharper focus the conflict in the musical sensibilities of the meeting cultures. Christianity in fact has added a new rhythm and genre to Christianinusic life.

4.1.7 Igbo Life of Tolerance and Competitiveness

The Igbo are strong, competitive, tolerant and ultra-democratic. Arinze (1970) maintains that

"the Igbo emigrate outside their home areas for trade and clerical work. They believed in hard work and are very skilled in commerce" (p. 7). This assertion is correct because there is hardly any part of the globe where the Igbo of South-East Nigeria are not seen actively involved on any human endeavour. Migration in Igbo economy has been so rewarding. Mgbeafulu (2001) laments that "Igboland apparently has been drained of its young and resourceful men "through migration"(p .121). He quickly asserts that migration also has alleviated problems of land pressure for which Igboland is known for.