Economic system

Differences in social status over time have been translated into differences in economic status and inequality. Because of their wealth and Hinduized behaviour,

the military class of the immigrant Hindu population was able to consolidate then- influence and power in the petty states of the Nepalese hills. The unification of Nepal in the late eighteenth century intensified this process.

Unification was accompanied by the imposition o f state rights on all types of land, which benefited the nobility (Chhetri and Brahman) through land-grants which formed part of remuneration; but state ownership of land put the local indigenous people at a disadvantage: they were deprived of access to the most important factor of production. Tables 2.4 and 2.5 illustrate this historical process.

Table 2.4: Per cent distribution of households according to size of landholding (hectares)

Farm Type Mean land

area % of land owned No. of households % of owner Landless 0.0 0.0 26 4.2 Marginal 0.2 68.9 208 33.3 Small 0.73 21.4 170 27.2 Medium 1.37 33.5 149 23.8 Large 3.05 36.2 72 11.5 Total 0.96 100.0 625 100.0

Notes: Landless= Without land Marginal Up to 0.50 hectare Small = 0.51 to 1.0 hectare Medium = 1.01 to 2.0 hectares Large = Above 2.01 hectares

Source: Benighat Survey, 1988

As at the national level, the size of landholding in the study village was about one hectare per family (Table 2.4). Since the mean family size was 6.3 persons, this gives a per capita landholding of about 0.15 hectare. The distribution of land was highly skewed: about 12 per cent of households owned about 36 per cent of land in the study village.

Table 2.5: Mean farm size owned by caste groups (in hectares)

Castes Farm size No. of households

Brahman 1.41 205 Chhetri 1.02 116 Middle 0.85 82 Occupational 0.54 116 Others 0.56 116 Total 0.96 625

Source: Benighat Survey, 1988

Table 2.5 shows landholding according to caste groups: the higher castes owned larger landholdings. The size of landholding per farm family decreased with descent down the caste social hierarchy. Brahman, the highest ranking class in the study village, had an average holding of 1.4 hectares per family, followed by 1 hectare among the Chhetri. The occupational castes held the smallest area of land per family. Therefore, caste groups are related to class because of differential access to production resources which reinforces inequalities. Most of the productive resources are controlled by the higher castes and social relations are such that the lower castes and occupational castes provide the services to those who own productive resources and the cycle of dependency continues perpetuating the patron-client relationship in the society. Similar observations were made by Seddon (1984: 135-140), Seeley (1988) and Bell and Delobel (1987).

One of the most important events in Benighat area in the last two decades was the construction of the Prithvi Highway. While the highway has opened new vistas of economic opportunities including petty business (along the highway) and wage earning, it has also integrated the village economy with the national and international market, exposing the local economy and people to the forces of modernization, which will also have implications for changes in fertility regulation.

It is important to know what type of activities people are involved in because this has wider implications on the labour value of family members, and on reproductive decisions. The following section examines the patterns of occupational distribution in the village, where most of the study population were dependent on agriculture supplemented by livestock raising and wage earning (Table 2.6).

Table 2.6: Occupational distribution of population aged 15-64 years by sex (per cent)

Sector

Main occupation Secondary occupation

Male Female Male Female

Agriculture 677 555 356 176 (63.2) (54.6) (33.0) (17.3) Household 10 274 186 133 (0.9) (27.0) (17.3) (13.1) Wage Earning 71 29 162 56 (6.6) (2.9) (15.0) (5.5) Livestock 12 61 252 298 (1.1) (6.0) (23.4) (29.3) Study 108 29 3 0 (10.1) (2.9) (0.2) (0.0) Service 132 13 4 1 (12.3) (1.3) (0.4) (0.1) Business 38 49 68 49 (3.5) (4.8) (6.3) (4.8) Others 20 6 21 1 (1.9) (0.6) (1.9) (0.1) Total 1072 (100.0) 1016 (100.0) 1072 (100.0) 1016 (100.0)

Note: Figures in parentheses are percentages. Source: Benighat Survey, 1988.

In order to understand the context of female participation in productive work, the study sought information on the amount of time women spent outside the home: most of them worked in the agricultural sector. Table 2.6 indicates that many

households supplemented their agricultural activities with subsidiary occupations like livestock raising and wage earning. The seasonality of agriculture and its inability to feed the growing population forced the villagers to look for new alternatives. The construction of the highway reduced the amount of travelling for those who were looking for seasonal work. The increasing trend to participate in petty business showed there was a decline in the importance of the traditional sector of the economy, that is, agriculture and livestock, leading to a shift in occupational patterns.

Since agriculture was the mainstay of the village economy, most of the activities of farm families centred around agriculture-related activities. Two different cropping patterns were observed: lowland-based and upland-based. The cropping pattern of the irrigated lowland was dominated by early paddy-late paddy- wheat/legumes/oilseeds. The rainfed lowlands had a cropping pattern of paddy- wheat/legumes/oilseeds/maize. The upland pattern was dominated by maize/upland paddy-legumes/oilseeds.

Chemical fertilizer and improved seeds were little used; in general, farm yard manure was used to replenish the soil. However, extensive cultivation of marginal land and inadequate use of technology (such as improved seeds, chemical fertilizers and irrigation) had, over time, resulted in low productivity of the land. In such a situation, it was only family labour which could augment the production from the land: the more labour is engaged in cultivation, the higher the yield is likely to be. The labour value of family members is high, which has an important influence on reproductive preferences and behaviour.

In recent years, the government introduced a plan for intensified and specialized cultivation of vegetable crops. In view of the increased market integration, this will have important implications for the village economy in general and the household economy in particular. While commercialization of agriculture is a precondition of the transition from a traditional to a modem economy, it is likely to affect food

availability, distribution and consumption at the household level. According to one estimate, about 60 per cent of households in Benighat village panchayat were deficient in food in 1987 (Village Profile, 1988).

An agriculture centre under the Department of Agriculture was located in the study village to promote modem methods of farming technology. One Junior Technician was based in Benighat and was responsible for five village panchayats. The area was too large for one person to cover and only those who were nearer to the centre and resourceful could afford to buy improved seed and chemical fertilizer, and have frequent access to the centre's services.

A majority of households have kept livestock, which is owned by all except 56 households. Cattle and buffaloes are the two main species reared; goats are reared for meat. The cow is a sacred animal for the Hindus and cow-slaughter is an offence according to Nepalese law. The introduction of improved cow and buffalo stock for milk further monetized the village economy. The milk is supplied to the Dairy Development corporation based in Kathmandu, thus integrating the village and urban economies. The associated expansion of cultivated land resulted in a decrease in the area of common property such as pasture and forest. Consequently, most cattle, especially buffaloes, were tethered and stall-fed.