‘Relational ethics makes consideration of interactions within a social network the focus of ethical thought… this type of ethic looks at the pattern of human relationships and asks what kind of response is appropriate in the context of these relations’ (Reece and Siegal, 1986: 30).
The ethical considerations of this research depended to a great extent on the cultural context of my fieldwork. Morality and ethics are not universal, and are very specific to cultures, and human relations. In addition to the BSA ethical considerations guiding social research, which I abided by, there were also some other cultural aspects that I had to take account of throughout my interactions with the Circassian community. My position as an insider in Jordan allowed me better understanding of the dynamics of everyday life, and ethics in terms of approaching people. For example, my attempt to access the community through the Circassian Association was so I could obtain the consent of community leaders. This choice was based on the fact that due to the interconnected, tribal and collective nature of Jordanian society, it is important to show respect for the community’s leaders and elders. I also made this choice based on my understanding of Circassian culture, which emphasises respect for older people. Since accessing the community through the association was unsuccessful, I had to resort to other techniques, but this refusal gave me the impression that community leaders may fear that the position of the Circassians could be jeopardised if people conducted politically sensitive research on their position in Jordan. Another example of cultural-ethical consideration was that because most interviews took place in my home, I had to be culturally sensitive by showing hospitality, generosity and interest in the interviewees as human beings, not only as research participants. For example, tea, coffee and cakes were provided each time an interview took place, in addition to showing hospitality by asking them to stay longer after the interview to chat and have some drinks. Interviews lasted for two hours.
Moreover, due to the political sensitivity of the subject of nationalism in Jordan, I made sure that interviewees and participants were informed of the details of the research and its aims, prior to the interviews commencing, in addition to assuring their anonymity and telling them that anything said during the interview would only be used for research purposes. Choosing to use pseudonyms avoided causing harm to the participants in any way or form. Also, being introduced as a researcher and employee of the US embassy helped in terms of gaining their trust, but I had to clarify that this research had nothing to do with the US Department of State, and that it was for a degree I was undertaking. The questionnaires also included a consent form written in Arabic, which also explained the research, and that was signed by respondents (Appendix A: Questionnaire Consent paper) (Appendix B: Interviews Consent Paper).
My insider/outsider status was sometimes problematic during the interview process. Many interviewees felt the urge to criticise the ‘Arabs’ but my ‘Palestinian Arab’ origin initially stopped them; I had to react in a way that would make them feel comfortable to speak. For example in one of the interviews the following conversation took place,
Nuha: You know how the Arabs are… I am sorry, but… Nour: It is alright, I understand…
Nuha: You must know how conservative, and sexist they are…
Nour: Well, I can assure you I am not judging you on what you say; I would like to hear more about your opinion…
Nuha: You know I do not mean to say that you are like Arabs, you are educated and open-minded… I…
Nour: Do not worry, I am also sceptical about Arab culture myself, so you can say whatever you want.
Nuha: They do not treat women with respect and they are closed minded. I had an Arab boyfriend, who was very controlling. Then after having a Circassian boyfriend I noticed that we are different.
I also heard comments about ‘colour’ because many of my interviewees believed that Circassians were ‘white’ Europeans. Some interviewees told me that I do not have
the typical ‘Arab’ skin colour. Several made comments about the disloyalty of Palestinians towards Jordan, and how Palestinians are usually not grateful for being allowed to stay in Jordan. Many of the comments made me uncomfortable as a Palestinian outsider, but throughout the interviewing process, I tried to show tolerance and understanding of what they were saying. My insider understanding of Jordanian culture and everyday life allowed me to be culturally sensitive. However, my outsider status as a non-Circassian was a drawback at the beginning of an interview, but once I showed an interest in what they were revealing they felt more comfortable.
It is important to note here that interviewees mentioned that their participation in this research had influenced their perception of their identities, and made them think how contradictory their identities are. This is because in everyday life social actors do not necessarily address or talk about identity issues, nationalism and/or ethnicity. The encounter certainly influenced their views of the social world especially that they had to reflect on their experiences and their narrations of both being Circassian and being Jordanian at the same time. The interviews, as part of fieldwork, have greatly influenced and informed the way I perceive my belonging to an imagined ‘Arab’ nation and made me more aware of how flexible and fluid identities are. I felt that the encounter with the interviewees prompted me to reflect on my own identity and to look at their views reflexively and in a non-judgemental way.
In addition to this, my position in Jordan, as someone belonging to an ‘oppressed’ community, forced me to be more reflexive in my approach, particularly because the research included an analysis of the ‘Jordan First’ nationalist campaign as represented in official documents, textbooks of civic and national education, and the official website of King Abdullah II, and King Hussein I. Data on the state of Jordan did not only come from these documents, as in the field I began to take fieldnotes; in this way ethnographic data became another resource for the research. I
provide a detailed account of the use of ethnography in this research in a later section. Here I want to draw the reader’s attention to the fact that ethnographic data provided a means by which I could be personally reflexive, as Finlay and Gough comment,
‘We want to move beyond definitions of personal reflexivity as mere reflection on subjective thoughts and feelings experienced during the research process. Personal reflexivity also encompasses situating the researcher and his/her knowledge- making practices within relevant contexts, whether interpersonal, institutional or cultural’ (Finlay and Gough, 2003: 37).
Several data collection methods were employed in this research, including both qualitative and quantitative data collection techniques. The methods, however, were not only limited to interviews and questionnaires, as during fieldwork I discovered that I was also relying on the ethnographic data displayed in the research diary that I kept during my stay in Jordan. I call this type of ethnography ‘unplanned ethnography,’ which took place just by the merit of being there. In the following, I explain how interviews, questionnaires, and unplanned ethnography were used in this research, and their benefits to this particular research.