This federation was practically moribund by April 1931

FO.lUl/763, 506/1/31. 506/2A/31.

6 . Marius Deeb, Party Politics in Egypt: The Wafd and its Rivals, 1919-39 (London 1979), pp.26U-5.

7. F0.371/15U07, J3309/26/16.

8 . The British and even al-Nahhas looked on Makram as "Director" of the Blue Shirts. In 1936 a Committee of Direction, formed of

Kamil Sidqi and two others, was set up with the hope of strengthening al-Nahhas/&Ubaid control of the organization for the coming anti­

cipated challenge from Mahir and al-Nuqrashi. FO.l4l/5^3, 19/18/36;

F0.371/2012U, J9095/2/16; FO.371/20098, J10U8/2/16.

9. F 0 . 1 U 1 M 3 , 19/58/36.

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the Copts played an important role in the Egyptian Bar Association, which was often controlled by the Wafd. Murqus Hanna, who was the first Copt to serve as this professional organization's president, was elected five years in a row. Makram, Kamil Sidqi and a fourth Wafdist Copt, Kamil Yusuf Salib, also served as Bar Association presidents. ^

Because Egypt's fate lay with those outside Egypt, propaganda missions abroad were an important political weapon. Those Wafdists who were assigned to work on European and American opinion included Wasif Ghali, Wisa Wasif, Makram, Sadiq Hinain and Louis Fanus. Their knowledge of Europe and perhaps even their Christianity was a help in dealing with Westerners. These men, particularly in the 1920s, made numerous trips to Europe to promote the Wafdist cause. Later, their religion was less of an advantage in dealing with the West because it made them suspect in Egyptian eyes.

To the British, many Wafdist Copts were "extremists", a term which denotes mainly the degree of intransigence displayed toward themselves. Ho doubt Coptic nationalists seemed more extreme in their political views than some of their Muslim colleagues because the British expected to have their support. The British division between

"moderates" and "extremists" is retained here not for what it says about the views of Wafdist politicians, but for its usefulness in suggesting alliances within the party. Personal loyalties and enmities often had more to do with political position than devotion to a particular set of aims. Some of those the British labelled

"extremist" in 1923 had materialized into "moderates" by 1932.

10. Salib Sami was the only non-Wafdist Copt to play a prominent role. Don Reid, "The National Bar Association and Egyptian Politics, 1912-5^", The International Journal of African Historical Studies VII (197*0, pp.6o8-^6 .

The British deplored the influence the early extremists, among them Sinut, Makram, the 'Iskandar brothers, Wisa Wasif, Murqus Hanna

11 ^-

and Salama MIkha'iil, had with Zaghlul. Sinut was devoted to the latter and was very influential in the party's early days; his zeal was such that the British described him as "unbalanced" rather than

"extremist11. Makram, whom one party luminary called the most

influential of the younger Wafdists, 12 did not meet Zaghlul until 1921.

He quickly became a protege and was known publicly as "the faithful son of Sacd"; this relationship was yet another symbol of Muslim-Copt unity. One scholar has suggested that Murqus Hanna was, until

Zaghlul's death, one of the five most powerful men in the party. He acquired a considerable reputation for anglophobia as Minister of Public Works in 192U; in consequence, Lord Lloyd, the British High Commissioner, was very unhappy with Hanna's appointment to the 1926 Cabinet.13

There were Copts in the party who were credited with moderate views by the British. This designation was relative since in British terms the true moderates were the cAdlists and later the Liberal

Constitutionalists. Two such Wafdists were Wasif Ghall and George Khayyat. W a s i f s familiarity with Western culture may have done more to endear him to the British than his political views. Wasif had a powerful voice in the party and in 192U successfully persuaded Zaghlul

11. Salama was a close friend of ^Abd al-Ratunan Fahmi, the head of the Wafdist secret terrorist apparatus. When the latter fell out with Zaghlul, Salama pleaded his case. Mustafa ’Amin, al-Kitab al-Mamnuf

’Asrar Thawrat 1919■» vol.l (Cairo 1976), p.263.

12. Interview with Raghib 'Iskander, 'Akhir Saca , 2 June 1976, p.l6 . 13. Curiously, Hanna's views were moderate enough to enable him to be

considered for a portfolio in the 1922 Tharwat Cabinet. In 1926, al-’Ittihad, the Palace newspaper, suggested, possibly for reasons of its own, that Hanna sometimes sided with the moderate non- Wafdists. Quoted by the Egyptian Gazette, 27 July 1926, p.U.

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against the advice of al-Nahhas and others , not to resign in his quarrel with the Palace over whose right it was to make Senate appointments.lU

In contrast with this, Khayyat had little influence in the party; his standing may have been critically injured by his brief defection in 1921.

In the first Wafd Cabinet of 192U, Murqus Hanna and Wasif Ghali were given portfolios. Ghali* s appointment to Foreign Affairs was perhaps obvious given his familiarity with Europe and the Palace.15

His advice, according to al-*Ahram's political editor, was generally taken by the Wafd on diplomatic affairs, but was not routinely sought on domestic matters. l6 Murqus' elevation offers some proof of his

influence with Zaghlul. One contemporary opponent suggested that Murqus was then known only among lawyers, 17but another source regarded him as "universally respected" and greatly liked by Muslims.l8

Sinut had seniority and should have had a portfolio, but his zeal probably damned him in both British and Palace eyes. Murqus was a more palatable candidate; he had earned the confidence of his party and appears to have been routinely consulted by Zaghlul. 19 His influence did not do the career of his new son-in-law, Makram ^Ubaid, any harm, 20 although the latter was not elevated to Cabinet rank until

1928. In another important appointment, Sadiq Hinain was named Under­

secretary in the Ministry of Finance. Unfortunately accusations of favouritism hampered his usefulness to the party. In 1925, he was

lU. Wasif described the contemplated resignation as a "revolt against the King". Abd Khaliq Lashin, Sacd Zaghlul wa Dawrahu.fi al-Siyasa al-Misriyya (Cairo 1975), pp.363-5.

15. He had once worked in the Khedival household, an experience relevant