Fifth variable: Ideological compatibility

The fifth variable is the ideological compatibility. This is the last independent variable which composes the scheme of the QCA of the research. This variable allows the research to evaluate the political factor present among cross-border areas in South-East Europe. This political factor can be filled with ethnic, ideological, historical or nationalistic cleavages capable of hindering real transfrontier cooperation. To cover these potential cleavages, the variable is identified by 4 distinctive elements: 1) perception of nationalism between the CBC countries; 2) bilateral international relations between the CBC countries; 3) CBC ideological compatibility between local

parties (in terms of ideology and ethnicity); 4) influence of the internal (relation national/local) ideological compatibility on CBC. All these points take into account both the national and local situation.

Variable 5: Ideological compatibility

Korca Gjirokaster Vlore Bitola

Kriva

Palanka Struga Kjustendil Haskovo Ruse

Perception

Table 4.8 - Fifth Variable, data (Own elaboration)

Analysing the results obtained for the first element, on the basis of the cross-border area, the research registered dissimilar perceptions on nationalism and history. A higher level of nationalism is perceived within Albania in all the three cases, in Bitola – a Macedonian border area with Greece – and in Haskovo – a Bulgarian border area with Turkey. Today, Albania counts Albanian communities living in all its neighbouring countries: Montenegro (4.91% - Montenegro Census 2011), Kosovo (92.9% – Kosovo

Census 2011), FYROM (25.17% - FYROM Census 2002), Greece (about 25.000 people – Markusse 2001). In particular, some interviews made to local associations in the three border areas of the research (Korca, Gjirokaster, Vlore) expressed an historical unsolved problem between Albania and Greece: the Chamaria issue. Most of them explained that at the end of the II World War Albanian Muslim Chams - who were living on Greek territory - were massively deported to Albania and they were expropriated of their lands and proprieties. Some other interviewees explained their opinion on the current Greek strategy to influence Albanian politics. They stated that the passport-policy of Greece, which allows old Greek Albanian people to get a Greek passport and a corresponding pension, is just a way to control and have influence on politics on the Albanian territory.

Some others also declared that Albanians belonging to the Chams have still a lot of problems today to visit their historical villages and lands in Greece. On the contrary, Greek Albanians denied this affirmation saying that today there is not any problem between Greece and Albania and between the different bordering areas. In March 2012, the leader of the Albanian Greek Party “Unity for Human Rights”, Vangelis Doules, as well raised a polemic, accusing the deputies Shpëtim Idrizi and Dashamir Tahiri (PDIU - Albanian Party for Justice, Integration and Unity) to provoke Albanian nationalism.

Also considering the border areas of Haskovo (BG/TR) and Bitola (FYROM/GR) there are some historical issues which anyway seem less embedded than the Albanian-Greek issue. Between FYROM and Greece the “Name dispute” is still an exceptionally sensitive issue. Even if it represents more of a national issue, local actors declared that sometimes it can affect CBC activities. The most significant example is the lack of final signature from the Greek side to establish the Ohrid-Prespa Euroregion in 2009.

Between Bulgaria and Turkey the five century of Ottoman rule are considered by the Bulgarians a "traumatic" experience in Bulgarian history. Among some Bulgarian citizens the Turks are still seen as a menace.

Speaking of the second element, the current bilateral relations between the CBC countries - with a focus on the local level – the data show that the local referents of CBC are generally satisfied with the bilateral relations between the neighbouring countries. All the cases, with the exception of Bitola and Struga, confirmed good relations between the bordering countries for the CBC activities. Bitola underlined the problem of the “Name dispute” which can sporadically affect the CBC between

FYROM and Greece, while Struga expressed as potential brake for CBC the national internal difficulties (even if rare) between Albanian and Macedonian Parties which can affect Albanian public opinion and the bilateral position between Albania and FYROM.

Quite surprisingly, the third element of this variable - CBC ideological compatibility between local parties (in terms of ideology and ethnicity) - was turned down by all the cross-border areas, as the interviewees did not identify in CBC activities potential incompatibilities in terms of ideological or ethnical belonging. The most common justification of these criteria was the political rivalry construction which is only internal and not external. So, because of the distinctive local and national electoral systems, the competition remains within a country. As the representative of the municipality of Gjirokaster explained, the CBC represents, instead, a potential to subsidize local authorities which in South-East Europe are very poor. This result is confirmed by the local election results, too. Most of these 9 municipalities within the relevant period of this research – EU budget 2007-2013 – maintained the same ruling parties and in many cases the same mayors. So, in the region and in the 9 cross-border areas there were no particular political changes at the local level which could explain real ideological incompatibilities for CBC activities. Thus, for instance in both of the last local elections in Albania (2007 and 2011), in Korca, Gjirokaster and Vlore the Albanian Socialist Party of Edi Rama dominated. In FYROM, Bitola elected the same mayor Vladimir Teleski of the coalition VMRO-DPMNE (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization - Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity) in the last 3 local elections, 2005, 2009 and 2013; Kriva Palanka has also a mayor from the same coalition VMRO-DPMNE since 2009, Arsenco Aleksovski, while before (2005-2009) its citizens elected Dragi Traichevski from the СДСМ - Social Democratic Union of Macedonia;

Struga registered a supremacy of Albanian parties, before the Democratic Union for Integration DUI (2005-2009) with the mayor Ramis Merko and after the Democratic Party of Albanians DPA (since 2013) with the mayor Ziadin Sela. In Bulgaria, in Haskovo the mayor Georgi Ivanov, despite a scandal in 2009 when he was accused of fraud, he has been in office for 4 terms (since 1999), in Kyustendil Mr Paunov is in charge since 2007, while in Ruse there was a change in the last election from the Bulgaria Socialist Party to GERB (Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria):

mayor Plamen Pasev Stoilov.

Other interviewees denied any kind of potential transfrontier political incompatibilities and pointed out the “soft” and cross themes of CBC (i.e. tourism, cultural events, education, infrastructures) as working sectors that cannot provoke disputes. Yet, other experts, underlining the large CBC area of each European CBC programme, stated that even if a municipality might have a specific incompatibility, it has different opportunities in choosing further corresponding transfrontier partners to participate in CBC activities. The ideological incompatibility at the local level, hence, does not really influence the will and inclination of a local authority to develop its CBC actions. The data illustrated, therefore, that the ideological incompatibility has to be considered more fully on the national level.

The internal national electoral competitions, indeed, can provoke possible incompatibilities between the local power and the central government. The role of the party at the national level is very dominant. This was the affirmation of many interviewees, predominantly in Albania and FYROM. This tendency is not perceived in Bulgaria. Some referents of the municipalities in Albania and in FYROM added also that within the country the lobbying of mayors is really important. According to these criteria, the contacts with the central power and the political membership of a mayor are very important for lobbying and being selected in CBC projects. These interviewees did not give details but implicitly they explained that there could be political influences in the second step of the CBC selection procedures (1^st main step - check and screening on the basis of eligibility and formal bureaucratic requirements – by the specific local JTS ; 2^nd – selection on the basis of contents and the action priorities of the CBC area – by national experts selected occasionally from a bilateral list).

On the basis of these data, a positive variable is identified with at least 3 positive codes.

Variable 5: Ideological compatibility

Korca Gjirokaster Vlore Bitola

Kriva

Palanka Struga Kjustendil Haskovo Ruse Perception on

nationalism and history btw the CBC

countries 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 1

Current bilateral relation btw the CBC

countries 1 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 1

Korca Gjirokaster Vlore Bitola

Kriva

Palanka Struga Kjustendil Haskovo Ruse CBC id. comp.

Table 4.9 - Fifth Variable, results (Own elaboration)

4.2 The Policy entrepreneurship of the nine selected cases: comparative analysis