Final Thoughts

In the conclusion of his study on gangs, Garot (2010: 175) writes that “the foremost question for the would-be criminologist is that posed by Howard Becker more than forty years ago: “Whose side are we on?” In studying any type of ‘criminal’ activity, one sides with either moral entrepreneurs (those making the rules, building the prisons, and paying the police) or those who are criminalized”. Although this may seem a provocative statement, it speaks to a certain truth about research and investigative pursuits more generally. At several points throughout the course of my study, many participants could be said as either falling on one ‘side’ or the other: the gang member versus the police officer; the prisoner versus the prison officer; the offender versus the community leader. Some participants wanted to discern whose ‘side’ I was on. However, there were many more instances where the lines of differentiation and moral terrain were far more complex: police officers who were seen as the enemy; senior gang members who protected their more vulnerable, junior counterparts behind prison walls; prison officers who were viewed as hostile forces; community leaders who blamed ‘the system’ more than the gang

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member for the deaths which had blighted their communities. The moral terrain of Greater Manchester’s ‘underworld’ was complex, nuanced and multifaceted; this was reflected in many participants’ responses. The research was conducted with the intention of presenting a faithful recollection of this range of personal experiences, distilling information on the ‘gang scene’ in Greater Manchester from those who were intrinsically a part of it, and whose lives were intertwined with the region’s gangs. At one level, this research has sought to trace the activities, compositions and histories of the region’s gangs, integrating participants’ own perspectives with the academic definition of ‘the gang’. At another level, this thesis has sought to humanize the topic, presenting the personal narratives of a multitude of actors. Although no singular study can capture all the relevant experiences, this study attempts to provide a comprehensive account of gang practices in the sample region.

The study uncovered the deep-seated foundations of gangs within Greater Manchester: inter- generational poverty, hostilities towards the police and the development of folklore around gangs meant that the reputations and power of gang members extended from the streets into prison. In many ways, the situation in Greater Manchester in the early part of the twenty-first century bore parallels to Jacob’s (1977) account of the Chicagoan prison gangs: in both instances, there was a steady penetration of gangs through porous prison walls, underscoring the symbiotic relationship between prison and the streets. Gang leaders exerted a powerful influence, both in Jacob’s study and in my research, instigating violence but also maintaining collective norms. However, where my findings – and the situation surrounding English gangs more generally – differed from their preceding American studies is the ease with which most gang members could join and leave the gang. Just as the prison walls of HMPs Manchester and Forest Bank were porous to street cultures and gangs, so too were most gangs porous entities, which individuals could leave and join with few formal rituals.

At the time of writing, eleven young men have recently been convicted of the murder of 18 year old Abdul Hafidah in South Manchester (Pidd and Perraudin 2017). During the two trials concerning this gang-related murder, the familiar series of tropes emerged: of rivals straying into each other’s territories; of retaliation, revenge and ‘tit for tat’ killings; of group violence involving disproportionate numbers of young, BME males. However, in summing up the first trial, the judge also stated that “street gangs do not have membership cards, nor do they publish lists of their members” (cited in ibid). Similarly, when opening the case for the prosecution, Nicholas Johnson QC stated that “the defendants are all members of, affiliated to, or

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sympathisers with, that rival gang”. The problem lies, then, with the fact that many contemporary English gangs are violent yet amorphous: their members are often prepared to kill rivals, yet their membership bases are often fluid, and even being “sympathisers with” rival gangs can lead to death. Who are these gangs? Who are their members? How can they be stopped? These are some of the questions this thesis has sought to answer, and as gangs in England rapidly develop and evolve, these questions must continue to be answered. Only then can we, as a society, prevent more of our most marginalized citizens from losing their freedoms, futures and lives to gangs.

187 Appendices APPENDIX A PRISONER QUESTIONNAIRE _____________________________________________________________________ Opening Questions

What does the term ‘gang’ mean to you?

What were your experiences of/around gangs before your imprisonment? How openly did gangs operate in the area you grew up/lived in?

Links between Street and Prison Gangs

What are the similarities between gangs on the street and gangs in prison? What are the differences between gangs on the street and gangs in prison? What are the main features that link gangs on the street with gangs in prison? How do ‘in-prison’ gang identities interact with ‘street’ gang identities? Do gang members who were rivals on the street ever associate in prison? If so, under what circumstances? Do you know why?

Can you give any examples where street level issues have affected the daily lives of gang members in prison?

For gang members, how important are street identities/activities carried out on the street once they are in prison?

What can you tell me about the links between gangs on the streets of Greater Manchester and in HMP Forest Bank?

Prison gang/street gang interaction

How do ‘in-prison’ gang identities interact with ‘street’ gang identities? Do rival gang members ever associated in prison?

If so, under what circumstances? Do you know why?

Prison Gangs

Are you aware of gangs existing in this prison? If so, how many such gangs do you know of? How openly do these gangs function in this prison? Along what ‘lines’ are these gangs formed?

188 What are their main activities?

How are gang members selected/recruited?

What can you tell me about the numbers of prisoners involved in such gangs? Have you been affected by gangs during your time in prison?

If so, how?

Does the prison acknowledge the existence of these gangs? If so: what, if anything, is the prison’s response?

What impact, if any, do gangs have on daily prison life?

Personal Involvement

Would you say you have ever been part of a gang? (If no, end of interview – see closing) If so, was this outside, in prison or both?

(If both, how closely does your prison gang reflect your street gang?) If only outside, why are you not in a prison gang?

If only in prison, why were you not in a gang outside? Why did you join the gang(s) you are/were a part of? How did you join this/these gangs?

Are you still gang affiliated?

If so, do you intend to remain a part of this gang after your release? Along what ‘lines’ was/is your gang formed?

What were/are your gang’s main activities? What does/did your gang mean to you?

What can you tell me about how gang members can leave their gang, if at all?

Further Questions on Personal Involvement (if relevant) *

What was/is the name of your gang/OCG? And the name of any sub-set/clique? How were you brought into the gang/OCG? Was there a process of recruitment? How many people were in the gang/OCG then? How many were your age? How was a gang leader chosen? Were there other ‘ranks’?

Were there any opposing gangs/OCGs to yours? If so describe some of the rivalries Have these rivalries continued in prison? If so, can you provide some details?

How did most of the people in the local area act towards your gang/OCG? Can you give an example?