Others as “friends”

It is exceptional for the Angaité to refer to their veske/patrones as “friends”, as they do in respect of certain missionaries, anthropologists and poor Paraguayan Chaqueños (hae che amigo/a; in Guarani:“[so-and-so] is my friend”). The Angaité term émok (“my kinsman”), unlike its Enxet cognate, is not recorded as connoting relational qualities of friendship over and above its categorical meaning.63 The Angaité word [-]lhiakma (“companion”) refers to a person with whom one travels and/or enjoys spare time.64 Its colloquial Guarani-Spanish equivalent is socio (“partner”), which might denote the intimacy of occasional drinking partners.65

When speaking in Guarani-Spanish, the Angaité use separate terms to designate kin

62

In the village of Karova Guasu several young adult males were inactive for long periods, accepting only the temporary work provided by a particular patron to whom, they said, “we have become accustomed” (in Guarani: rojepokuaa hese).

63

Kidd (1999b:79) notes for the Enxet that “the term émok is polysemic and has a wider meaning than ‘kin.’ It also includes the connotative notion of friendship which is, in itself, further evidence of the conceptual link between kinship and ‘love.’ Consequently, if people develop an affective (non-sexual) relationship they often refer to each other as émok. Indeed, people who are not particularly close could refer to each other as émok as a means of making a moral statement about how their relationship should be” (my emphasis). Among Angaité speakers I did not come across the use of the term émok with respect to friends.

64 _{The Enxet equivalent is [-]xegexma (Kidd, 1999b:169).}

(gente) and friend (amigo), which are not coterminous. However, they often do use the expression che gente or specific kinship terms (e.g. che sobrino/che tio, my uncle/my nephew) to address or refer to those indigenous non-kin with whom they want to stress a friendly relationship. The question remains as to whether an Angaité might think of a non- indigenous friend as a relative – as happens amongst Angaité friends.

Through living and working together on estancias, Indians and non-indigenous Chaqueños have the basis for possible friendship. Multiple examples can be given of how working together for a certain length of time – in the same paddock, in the ranchstore and so on –contributes, like cohabitation, to creating bonds between Indians and Paraguayans (Fieldnotes, 8/5/2006).66. Neither the patrón nor the foreman (mayordomo) necessarily intervenes in the organization of everyday tasks on the ranch. In some cases, the lower- ranking employees – e.g. estancieros, playeros and contratistas – decide for themselves with whom they will carry out the day’s assignments, thereby allowing for personal preference and the exercise of friendship at work. To an extent, the work groups that are formed on ranches resemble hunting partnerships.67 Both are based on personal choice and require not only specific joint skills but also moral qualities of trust and care in the execution of the tasks, as well as a mutual predisposition to companionship and banter.68 It is not only the indigenous workers who establish friendships with their non-indigenous ranch mates. Paraguayans frequently express and show affection for their indigenous co- workers. The remark Aikuaa porâ fulano/a (in Guarani: “I know him/her well”) is as likely to be made by a Paraguayan about an Angaité as by an Angaité about a Paraguayan.

Close relationships with “powerful outsiders” – whether veske/patrones or amigos, and however long-standing the relationship – are best defined as a constant attempt to

66 _{The Angaité readily understand cohabitation as being synonymous with kinship. A case in point concerns} a Paraguayan macatero called Miguel and his assistant, Osvaldo, a friendly young Paraguayan in his early 20’s. Both of them were from the city of Villa Hayes, capital of the Departament of Presidente Hayes. As they worked together and were far away from their respective homes, they shared the same hut during their long stays in La Patria. When Osvaldo accidentally drowned in the Riacho Gonzalez, my Angaité hosts reported that “the brother of Miguel has died”. They assumed that the unfortunate victim was Miguel’s close relative because the two of them lived together.

67

Similar to hunting partnerships are the groups which form to carry out activities that imply a joint effort, such as building a fishing dam, carrying posts or other items in an ox cart, taming horses on a ranch, and so on. A great deal of storytelling and many personal narratives centre on the eventful episodes that characterize such group activities (Interviews with Andres Tomen, 23/5/2005; Agustina Aguilera, 26/4/2005; Capata’i and Isacio Segura, 28/3/2005). See also Amarilla, 2006:584,601; Franco and Imaz, 2006:110, 117,119.

incorporate the other into a more sociable and desirable relationship. It is true that the “other” may be seen as wealthier and more powerful and thus more capable of sharing or doing things for those indigenous persons with whom he/she relates. However, the asymmetrical material aspect – differences in wealth - is morally balanced through generosity in the giving and sharing of food and goods, and through spending time together. It is this companionship that contributes to generating mutual emotional ties and a kind of “sameness” between the parties involved.

From what has been said so far, it would appear that the sameness advocated by the Angaité (as by the Nivacle) does not go beyond the creation of friendship. Although in some cases friendship is comparable to kinship, the correspondence is not exact. In a word, relations of friendship do not reach the centre of the social spiral. Paraguayan friends remain valayo and, therefore, athave émok and athave enlhet (non-kin/non-person). To what extent, then, is it possible for friendship to convert into kinship through the sharing of goods and time with Angaité friends?