Gender Differences in Maths Motivation

The final research question Study 1 addressed was that of gender differences in mean ratings of maths motivation and how these change with time. In terms of

adaptive cognitions it was unclear if significant differences would arise. However if they did, they were likely to be gender stereotypical with boys showing more confidence and values but girls reporting more effort, as well as maladaptive cognitions.

The only significant gender differences found for the adaptive facets were that girls reported more mastery focus and study planning than boys. In the past it was common for boys to provide higher ratings of adaptive cognitions. However the current results suggest that gender differences traditionally found in competency and value beliefs are becoming less common. Although maths is traditionally a male- dominated field, girls reported more satisfaction from learning it and putting more effort into studying it. This challenges the common assumption that girls are

disadvantaged in their maths competency and value beliefs. Instead the current results indicate that boys may be disadvantaged in relation to their mastery orientation and study organisation. The current results also extend previous research by addressing gender differences in adaptive behaviours. They indicate that across high school, girls tend to put more effort into organising their learning environment and study

timetable. However, this did not translate to a greater tendency than boys of persevering when faced with a challenge. As with the developmental findings

however, the gender differences in the adaptive constructs showed weak effect sizes.

Nevertheless, these results support those previously reporting girls as having a stronger intrinsic and mastery orientation in maths than boys (Chouinard & Roy, 2008; Chouinard et al., 2007; Kenny-Benson et al., 2006). However, they are in contrast to those who have found boys report more intrinsic interest (Watt, 2004), competency (Meece et al., 1990; Pajares & Miller, 1994; Watt, 2004; Wigfield et al., 1991; Wolters & Pintrich, 1988) and usefulness beliefs (Forgasz, 1995; Perl, 1982). The current sample of Australian high school girls and boys shared comparable levels of maths self-efficacy and utility valuing, which is consistent with some research from Northern-America (Jacobs et al., 2002; Kenney-Benson et al., 2006; Meece et al., 1990; Skaalvik, 1990;).

In relation to maladaptive constructs, the current study found consistent

gender differences favouring boys. Although mean ratings remained steady across high school, girls consistently had higher ratings of anxiety, failure avoidance and uncertain control than boys. Furthermore, the effect sizes for anxiety and uncertain control were the strongest gender effects. This corresponds with previous research on maths

anxiety reporting that females in primary and secondary school, as well as university tend to experience more anxiety than boys (Betz, 1978; Meece et al., 1990; Pomerantz et al., 2002; Wolters & Pintrich, 1998). In contrast, a few studies such as Ma and Xu (2004) have observed no gender differences in students’ maths anxiety. However, Ma and Xu’s (2004) items referred to affective elements of maths anxiety, such as feeling fearful and upset. As the current study addressed the worry component of maths anxiety rather than negative affect, the conflicting results may relate to differences in the conceptual focus between the current study and that of Ma and Xu (2004). The

dimension of maths anxiety and indicate that anxiety is a main factor differentiating the maths learning experiences of girls and boys. The results also extend previous research by showing that perceptions of control in maths are also particularly relevant to gender.

Despite the gender differences found for the maladaptive cognitions, the current study found no gender effect for self-handicapping and disengagement. Although Smith (2004) found boys reported greater self self-handicapping, this was with a sample of Australian senior high school students and Study 1 did not include students from these upper year levels. Perhaps boys’ self-handicapping tendencies become more prominent during the final years of high school when they may feel their performance is under more scrutiny from others than previously. Nevertheless,

despite suggestions that boys are more protective in demonstrating their ability (Martin, 2002a), the current results indicated that boys and girls shared similar ratings of maths self-handicapping and disengagement from Grade 7 to Grade 10.

This is the first Australian study to look at gender differences in a range of adaptive and maladaptive motivational constructs across time. Surprisingly, the current study found no differences in the way boys’ and girls’ maths motivation changed. This is in contrast to those suggesting that boys’ motivation decreases more than girls (Chouinard & Roy, 2008; Fredricks & Eccles, 2002; Jacobs et al., 2002), as well as those finding it is girls’ maths motivation that becomes more disadvantaged during high school (Eccles et al., 1985; Meece et al., 1982; Pintrich & De Groot, 1990; Watt, 2004). Furthermore, there was no support for Ma and Cartwright (2003) who found girls’ maths anxiety to increase faster than boys’ maths anxiety during high school. Although girls and boys differed in mean ratings of their maladaptive cognitions, their motivational trajectories were similar across grades 7 to 10.

The most noteworthy gender effect was the mean difference observed

between boys and girls in their ratings of maladaptive cognitions. While this supports previous research showing that females tend to experience more maths anxiety than boys, it also extends it by demonstrating that this gender difference also relates to lower perceptions of control and a greater concern with avoiding negative judgements

from others. This is consistent with suggestions that girls tend to experience greater academic emotional distress (Pomerantz et al., 2002; Smith, 2004) and internalise failure in maths more than boys (see Stipek & Gralinski, 1991). Pomerantz et al. (2002) suggest that this orientation may develop from gender stereotypes that often portray females as helpless and dependent, which corresponds to the development of stronger maladaptive cognitions in girls, while protecting boys from such distress.

Girls may be particularly concerned with having a sense control and with public judgements of themselves and their effort because compared to boys, failure tends to bring about greater feelings of hopelessness and shame for girls (Frenzel et al., 2007; Stpiek & Gralinski, 1991). Some have suggested that this susceptibility of girls is particularly prevalent in situations involving evaluations of performance (Baloğlu & Koçak, 2006). The current results support this suggestion, as the indicators of maths anxiety and uncertain control referred to performance in exams and assignments, which are evaluative contexts. Consequently, potentially negative feedback may leave girls more stressed about how to improve their performance because they place more personal weight on such information.

Previous research has also found girls to experience a greater need for

achievement in the sense that they are more concerned with pleasing others than boys (Greene et al., 1999; Higgins, 1991; Miller et al., 1996; Pomerantz & Ruble, 1998). Rather than approval stemming from a demonstration of ability, for girls it may be more based on complying with expectations (Pomerantz & Ruble, 1998; Pomerantz et al., 2002). Although this concern may increase effort to some extent, it may also cause girls to experience distress over the possibility of failure because they will disappoint others (Pomerantz et al., 2002). According to Ryan and Deci (2000b), avoiding negative judgements is an external motivator and so it is unlikely to lead to enduring adaptive behaviours. Furthermore, anxiety-based beliefs impede the coping resources students need to persist when challenged. This may explain why girls reported more planning than boys but there was no gender difference in ratings of persistence. If boys tend to distance themselves emotionally from failure they would be more resilient to such negative experiences in maths.

Overall, the current results suggest that the tendency girls have towards avoiding maths participation may stem more from maladaptive anxiety-based beliefs, rather than a relative deficit in their competency or value beliefs (Wolters & Pintrich, 1998). Although boys may feel less satisfaction from maths and put less effort into learning it, the range of negative affect girls experience during high school and the implications for their self-worth may lead them to actively avoid post-high school maths, or at least avoid seeking out challenging maths courses. As a result, to understand gender differences in maths motivation and participation it seems necessary to apply control, need achievement and self-worth frameworks.