ply did not exist for the clients and purveyors of these texts. We find, for example, in Michigan 136 (text 43) the plainest folk remedies for babies' teething pains, "malignant disease," and skin ailments combined with the most extravagant invocations to powers, names, and deities for gynecological inflammation and a vowel-amulet for headache. The very ingredients of folk remedies were often used ritually or presented in mythological terms:
Anappendix to a ritual text in Leiden actually shows how common
HEALING SPELLS 79
substances like white hellebore or wormwood could function in ritual spells as semen of Helios or blood of Hephaistos (see Hans Dieter Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in Iranslation, 167 -69). On the other hand, those ritual prescriptions most distant from mod
em medicine-invocations to Isis or vowel-inscriptions on tin
certainly functioned integrally in the overall process of healing, whether by consoling a patient with an appeal to higher powers or by allowing the patient some measure of responsive action in a situation imbued with danger and uncertainty (compare Berlin 8324 [text 45]). Finally, it is obvious that the healer and patient participate in the local religion in its broadest sense, by ritually appealing to powers that are acknowledged and venerated by the temple or the church, often doing so with the very gestures, arti
cles, and language of "official" liturgy (note texts 46-48 and 55-57).
The use of extensive historiolae, recitations of mythological precedents for the healing of specific ailments, in text 43 (lines 57-114) and texts 47-49, recalls traditional Egyptian healing practices from before the Greco-Roman period. In these ancient healing rituals the immediate affliction of the patient (for exam
ple, snakebite or gynecological hemorrhage) would be assimi
lated to a mythological situation (thus, Horus's snakebite, Isis's hemorrhage). The narrative of the mythological situation would lead to some sort of resolution, often through the intervention of other "magical" gods such as Re or Thoth. Finally, with its narra
tive resolution, the mythological situation would be referred
implicitly or explicitly-back to the immediate affliction of the patient. Generally the recitation of these narratives accompanied ritual actions-gestures, use of substances-similar to those recorded in text 43. In the case of the Horus cippi, manufactured throughout the Greco-Roman period, the power to heal snake and scorpion venom could be a washed off" the letters of the nar
rative that had been inscribed on the stelae.
Yale 1792 (text 55) represents an example of an historiola working through the power of its very letters, like the Horus cippi.
Indeed, the form of this spell recalls also the extensive use of the Psalms in Jewish healing and apotropaic traditions as "words of power," for thes.e archaic celebrations of divine accomplishments were consistently spoken or worn in Jewish tradition to repel demons and misfortune in much the same way as historiolae of
80 COPfiC SPELLS OF RITIJAL POWER
47-49 offers a rare witness to the classical throughout the Coptic periods.
ruring specific ailments. That is to say, have regarded the "doctors" who recited as the use of narratives for healing did priests and their stories in ancient
The literary contexts of healing of ritual texts, conform to three general texts, and amulets. Ritual manuals like and those represented in chapter 9 tend rituals, prescriptions, and amulet
entirely healing spells. The dearth (and in late antique Egypt, however, made the surface large enough to contain it) a commonly the collector and purveyor of to small scraps of leather, papyrus, or
· vidual spells might be recorded using ·N.
client's or object's name would go 47-49). The extensive Hay collection in this form of spell-collecting. Of course, these master copies were sold as names inscribed (compare perhaps
It might be argued that Coptic two basic principles: (1) The content of to the wearer through contact with its corollary symbols and characters (as in the inscribed spell represents its
the ritual invocations beyond their initial closest to the first pattern, while texts 46 ritualist's supplications to powers and patients, tend closest to the second. In a principles, text 54 supplicates the powerful it might heed a desperate voice.
Yale 2124 (text 58) may represent a spells, the "transworld message" to be through burning, depositing it in a ing it in a convenient location for the pare also text 84 in chapter 6). The 58 is oddly general, suggesting that it
hellebore or wormwood could function in of Helios or blood of Hephaistos (see Hans
Magical Papyri in Translation,
167-69). On ritual prescriptions most distant from modto Isis or vowel-inscriptions on tin
in the overall process of healing, a patient with an appeal to higher powers some measure of responsive action in a danger and uncertainty (compare Berlin it is obvious that the healer and patient religion in its broadest sense, by ritually are acknowledged and venerated by the often doing so with the very gestures, arti
•official" liturgy (note texts 46-48 and
historiolae,
recitations of mythological of specific ailments, in text 43 (lines -49, recalls traditional Egyptian healing the Greco-Roman period. In these ancient affliction of the patient (for examhemorrhage) would be assimi
situation (thus,
Horus's
snakebite,Isis's
of the mythological situation would often through the intervention of such as Re or Thoth. Finally, with its narra
situation would be referred
to the immediate affliction of the recitation of these narratives accompanied use of substances-similar to those the CCtse of the Horus
cippi,
manufactured period, the power to heal snake could be "washed off" the letters of thenar-55) represents an example of an
historiola
did priests and their stories in ancient Egypt.The literary contexts of healing spells, as for other categories of ritual texts, conform to three general types: manuals, master texts, and amulets. Ritual manuals like Vienna K 8303 (text 44) and those represented in chapter 9 tend to contain a diversity of rituals, prescriptions, and amulet designs; text 43 contains almost entirely healing spells. The dearth (and cost) of writing materials in late antique Egypt, however, made an extensive manual (and the surface large enough to contain it) a rare achievement. More commonly the collector and purveyor of spells would have access to small scraps of leather, papyrus, or pottery, upon which indi
vidual spells might be recorded using "N. child of N." wherever a client's or object's name would go (compare, for example, texts 47-49). The extensive Hay collection in chapters 6 and 9 reflects this form of spell-collecting. Of course, there is evidence that even these master copies were sold as amulets without the necessary names inscribed (compare perhaps Schmidt 1 [text 48]) .
It might be argued that Coptic healing amulets operate by two basic principles: (1) The content of the spell conveys power to the wearer through contact with its very letters, empowered by corollary symbols and characters (as in the Horus
cippi);
and (2) the inscribed spell represents its perpetual recitation, extending the ritual invocations beyond their initial utterance. Text 55 tends closest to the first pattern, while texts 46 and 50, which record the ritualist's supplications to powers and gods on behalf of named patients, tend closest to the second. In a striking synthesis of both principles, text 54 supplicates the amulet itself, as an object so powerful it might heed a desperate voice.Yale 2124 (text 58) may represent a fourth genre for ritual spells, the "transworld message" to be conveyed to its subject through burning, depositing it in a sacred place, or merely plac
ing it in a convenient location for the words to be activated (com
pare also text 84 in chapter 6). The wording of the request in text 58 is oddly general, suggesting that it may have been distributed
HEALING SPELLS 81
in an ecclesiastical context (perhaps to supplant more esoteric or
"magically" worded amulets?).
It should be noted that the Coptic word customarily trans
lated "healing," oujai, carried a range of meanings that also in
cluded the more abstract sense of "salvation," a notion it had throughout Egyptian history from the New Kingdom on. In texts
56-57
the sense of oujai suggests a spiritual state attainable through the ritual drawing down of the named powers. In Rossi's"Gnostic" tractate (text
71
in chapter5)
the archangel Raphael, traditionally known as a healing angel (see Tobit3:17; 8:2-3),
is invoked as "the one who is over oujai"(2,5),
implying in this case a more physical state. So also the drawing down of oujai into liquid according to the ritual prescriptions of texts
56-57
reflects a concrete approach to ritual "healing" similar to that in the rest of the spells in this chapter. The image of "liquid oujai" appears also in an Egyptian-Christian prophecy of the third century, the Apocalypse of Elijah, which describes the eschatological martyr Tabitha as providing "oujai for the people" in the form of her blood
(4:4).
Much in the way that the Greek eulogion, "blessing,"came to be a technical term for a highly efficacious amulet from a pilgrimage shrine, perhaps we might find in the semantic range of oujai the perennial tensions between everyday and spiritualiz
ing needs in late antique culture.
82 COPf!C SPELLS OF RITUAL POWER
43.
Book of ritual spells for
Text: Michigan 136
Description: seven small vellum leaves (4 book; an additional first leaf has been lost.
with page 2.
Bibliography: William H. Worrell, •eoptic 17-37
Translator: Marvin Meyer
Michigan
136
consists of a series of to treat a wide variety of medical dressed in the text include gout, eye disease, pregnancy and childbirth, abdominal ease, headaches, toothaches, earaches, stipation, foot disease, mental problems, suggests solutions for crying babies and the remedies disclose such aspects of ritual powerful utterances, and series of vowels ward and backward, in "wing formation, •ment (
60- 114)
is a long invocation of Egyptian deities ( Amun, Thoth, Isis, Sabaoth), and in this section some archaic used. In lines41-44
there is aSuch a use of Homeric verses in ritual Dieter Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri in At least a portion of the document has been some of the present text (including the untranslated, in Greek (compare
10-36;
41Included in the notes of Worrell's offered by Worrell's scholarly colleagues for Coptic of the document. Some of these the textual notes below.
TEXT
... (page 2)
and over some oil, These are the names that you willmetal leaf:
Anax 1 Sabrex Apemenon Borau 5 Nouannoonospetal� 1 Kenan
that the Coptic word customarily trans-carried a range of meanings that also in
sense of "salvation," a notion it had from the New Kingdom on. In texts suggests a spiritual state attainable down of the named powers. In Rossi's 71 in chapter 5) the archangel Raphael, a healing angel (see Tobit 3:17; 8:2-3), is is over
oujai"
(2,5), implying in this case So also the drawing down ofoujai
into liqprescriptions of texts 56-57 reflects a
•healing" similar to that in the rest of The image of "liquid
oujai"
appears also prophecy of the third century, theApoc-describes the eschatological martyr
•oujai
for the people" in the form of her the way that the Greekeulogion,
"blessing,"term for a highly efficacious amulet from a we might find in the semantic range tensions between everyday and
spiritualiz-OF RIIUAL POWER
43.
Book of ritual spells for medical problems
Text: Michigan 136
Description: seven small vellum leaves (4 1/8 x 4 7/8 in.) from a Coptic book; an additional first leaf has been lost, so that the existing text begins with page 2
Bibliography: William H. Worrell, "Coptic Magical and Medical Texts, • 17-37
Translator: Marvin Meyer