Harry Van Moorst, interview, 19/3/

40 _{Saunders M., 1975, op cit, p 32; Harry Van Moorst, interview, 19/3/99.} 41 _{ibid, p 33.}

42 _{ibid, p 33, Murphy J., op cit, p 245; VMC Record Sponsors Minutes, 1/2/70.}

43 _{Saunders M., 1975, ibid, p 33; Murphy J.,, ibid, p 245; VMC Record Sponsors Meeting, 1/2/70.} 44 _{Ormonde P.,A Foolish Passionate Man. A Biography of Jim Cairns, Penguin Books, Australia 1981,}

p 123.

45 _{This motion was moved by WSA member Ms. J Cassidy, Saunders M., 1975, op cit, p 33; VMC} Record Sponsors Meeting 1/2/70.

conservative elements as debate raged over this topic. Passionate speeches by John

Ryan, the editor of the Catholic Worker and James Newell from the Society of

Friends failed to sway the required numbers.46 As a result of the adoption of the

motion to change the position of non-violence, letters sent out to the press making it quite clear the VMC did not endorse violence. It was made clear that if violence occurred it would not be at the behest of the VMC and its supporters but due to forces

opposed to or seeking to limit the effectiveness of the VMC and its actions.47

Amongst the demands was a motion that called for all decisions of sponsor (public) meetings to be implemented by the executive, a motion that produced clashes and

differences.48 A motion moved by Laurie Carmichael required that all affiliates have

the right to send one delegate to the executive, which in turn had the right to elect

office bearers.49

At the first executive meeting on February 16 the radicals expressed concern that the executive would overturn motions passed at the public meeting, such as the

occupation of city streets, yet were assured by Sam Goldbloom this would not be the

case.50 However a coalition comprising of the ALP, CICD and CPA sought to delay

the planning for the Friday night occupation of the city. Laurie Carmichael, the Assistant Federal Secretary of the AEU, proposed a motion that explicitly focussed on the events of the Saturday and Sunday, calling for the establishment of sub­

committees to organise those two days. He omitted any reference to the proposed 46 _{Sun 2/2/70.}

47 _{CICD Executive Minutes, 3/2/70, UMA.}

48

Sponsors Meetings set politics and dates for action. The Delegates Meetings would work out the details. As an example, at the 3rd moratorium the public meeting decided to support draft resistance, with the delegates meeting providing the practical solution of the draft resisters speaking from a truck. Interview with Harry Van Moorst, 19/3/99.

Friday night occupation.51 A counter motion moved by the Monash Labor Club's Peter Butcher was defeated, calling into question the power of the executive to effectively

rescind motions passed at public meetings.52

The issue of the sit down and occupation of the city streets remained a constant source of conflict at meetings. For example at an executive meeting conducted on April 13 Jim Cairns used his authority as Chairperson to request a motion limiting the sit down/occupation to a maximum of 15 minutes. Following heated argument a motion of dissent in the chair was moved, but failed to garner sufficient support. Whilst Sam Goldbloom occupied the chair in Cairns' absence, speakers emphasised that Cairns' action had run counter to the motion at the first sponsors' meetingTegarding executive implementation of decisions from Sponsors meetings. Cairns' motion was eventually

adopted despite bitter debate and disagreement. 53

A good deal of the debate and the differences within the groups comprising the VMC occurred at both the delegates and planing meetings as the established groups tried to both hold sway and accommodate the newer more radical groupings, particularly the Maoist influenced groups. Other groupings such as SDS and the Socialist Youth alliance (SY A) found themselves entering into temporary alliances at different times with each end of the spectrum. The initial friction surrounding the establishment of the Moratorium continued throughout the planning meetings with the established groupings constantly being besieged by their newer more radical counterparts.

49 _{Murphy J., op cit, p 244.}

50 _{Saunders M.,1975, op cit, p 35; VMC Executive Minutes, 16/2/70.} 51 _{Saunders M., 1975, ibid, p 35, VMC Executive Minutes, ibid.} 52 _{ibid, p35.}

Within the established Left there was a desire to retain control of both the organisation and the direction of the VMC and they marshalled their resources accordingly. After losing control of the July 4 demonstrations they were reluctant to lose control of the VMC. With sponsors/public meetings being held on Sunday afternoons, different groupings sought to have a maximum number of members and supporters in attendance. The CPA, with a high number of industrial workers who worked throughout the week, were required to rally their members to give up a Sunday and attend to vote in a disciplined bloc. Dave Davies recalls, "meetings at Richmond were

a pain in the neck for many CPA members". 54 _{In many ways the acrimony of the}

Sino- Soviet split was continued, with the CPA fighting against not just the new, militant student radicals, but against their old comrades from the Communist Party of Australia-Marxist Leninist (CPAML). For Bernie Taft the Richmond Town Hall meetings were an occasion for the Maoists to dominate, but the CPA had the numbers

to block them. 55 _{However matters were not as simple as this, as a large non aligned}

group comprising SDS and the Trotskyites could vote with the Maoists as a fluid bloc against the ALP, CICD, and CPA grouping.

The success of the sit down at the first moratorium helped shape its future direction, with sit-downs becoming a common tactic as a method of mass civil disobedience. For people such as Dorothy Dalton it was a radical new approach, but one she

eventually accepted. "The sit-down in Bourke St was a shock to the system to people like me and there were many others like me who could not sit down in the streets in the city, yet when it actually happened, you couldn't bear to stand up!" .56 _{Yet it had}

53 _{Poulton E., op cit, VMC Executive Minutes, 13/4/70.}

54_{Dave Davies, interview, 10/12/98.}

55 _{Bernie Taft, interview, 18/2/99.}

56 _{Dorothy Dalton and Les Dalton, interview, 16/4/99.}

Moratorium, the nature of the consultation and involvement was structured in such a manner that the bulk of the 80 attendees were drawn from the established

organisations, and more radical organisations were excluded. Criticisms were raised at the executive that the format was restrictive and designed to exclude those more radical groupings. 59

At the executive meeting the night before the consultation, Peter Butcher of Monash Labour Club moved the following motion. "That this meeting express its disapproval re arrangements for National Consultation and that in future such consultations be arranged to facilitate greater attendance and participation and that any decision at the consultation should be of an advisory capacity only". 60 An amendment from Mark Taft of the CPA which read, "While we regret the timing of the National

Consultation, we should pursue the policy of NSW and invite one delegate from each organisation affiliated to the VMC to participate in this consultative meeting".61 This amendment was accepted and passed. As it turned out the radical groupings did attend and sought to argue their positions, being critical of the lack of support for the NLF, the need for a clear expose of the role of US imperialism and a strong position opposing conscription.62 A total of 82 delegates attended, with Victoria provided the majority with 32 delegates.

58 Catch 22 12/5/70 .

59 _{Murphy adds another perspective talking about how the moderate left such as the CPA dominated}