Primary and Secondary Documents

My thesis commenced with a review of secondary and primary literature. The collection and examination of this was a continuous process and served a number of purposes. Firstly, it provided the context in which farmers’ adaptive strategies are located. Secondly, perusing existing studies helped in identifying the lacunae in current climate change studies and subsequently framing the contributions of my thesis. Thirdly, it guided in the framing of questions used in conducting my fieldwork. Fourthly, some of the literature was used to support the analysis of findings in the thesis. Lastly, the review of literature provided data that for various reasons could not be obtained in the field. The review targeted both hard and soft data.

Besides academic literature from different university libraries, the main sources of information were a wide range of internet databases with soft data and hard or paper-based data from government departments such as Environment Management Agency, Mutoko (EMA Mutoko) and Agricultural Research and Extension (AGRITEX) as well as NGOs.

The search for internet data bases on the internet did not follow strict systematic criteria. Both open access and subscription based databases were targeted including Hinari, Google Scholar, ScienceDirect and Springerlink. Within these data bases, relevant journals were purposively targeted and browsed for content. In searching for articles, various search terms such as climate change, climate variability, adaptation to climate change and impacts of climate change were applied broadly at first, and then narrowed down in order to obtain specific studies on Zimbabwe. From EMA Mutoko, I obtained the 2014 State of the Environment Report for Mutoko and from AGRITEX reports on crop production, yields/output, areas planted in the district under the study period and rainfall data for the ward. Rainfall data provided for ward 3 was however insufficient to allow any analysis of trends, hence I did not use it in the thesis.

30 1.7.4.2 Household Data Collection

The life history interview, which privileges the narration of personal biographies, was the principal data collection method in this study. This was supported by a survey, transect walks and observations. The choice of life histories as the main method was meant to ensure I collected the data I needed to respond to the nature of my study, the research questions and the objectives of the study. Such interviews can be used to identify key moments in an individual’s life (shocks, pivotal moments and transition points) and how they responded (agency, coping strategies). Life histories provide a wealth of data about people and their experiences rather than aggregated classifications, categories and characteristics of adaptive strategies (Kothari and Hulme, 2004).

Life histories can be used to track changes in well-being at various points in an individual’s past and to comprehend what has driven these changes. They enable a more complex and nuanced understanding of different realities while simultaneously revealing common themes and trends which reflect wider social characteristics and processes (Kothari and Hulme, 2004). Life histories therefore enabled me to trace changes in climate variability and farmers’ livelihoods, and to understand adaptive strategies across time scales. This method was particularly useful in exploring livelihood changes in Mutoko in view of the existence of multiple drivers of change in rural Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular. Several scholars have drawn attention to the complexity of drivers of change in the Sahel (Mortimore and Adams, 2001) and in southern Africa (Thomas et.al, 2007; Ziervogel et.al, 2006), hence singling out climate as a direct driver of changes is not a simple matter. In view of this, I took heed of the argument of Mushonga and Scoones (2012) that by combining the household survey and wealth ranking data, together with in-depth biographic interviews we can look in more depth at the patterns, causes and consequences of livelihood transitions.

I contend boldly, therefore, that life history was the most ideal method to identify how farmers negotiated the structures which constrained them (or enabled them) when they made their choices of action (adaptive strategies) at ‘critical moments’ or ‘turning points’ in their lives.

Pledging my intention not to become overly defensive about life histories (at the same time, I am not being apologetic), I insist that without this method of understanding farmers’ lives, our insights into how they adapt to climate variability can only be myopic. Life history interviewing

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thus gives space to a more replete examination of the complex ways in which people negotiate the opportunities and constraints shaping their adaptive strategies. Since I was interested in reflexivity, life histories revealed that people cogitate upon their situation, they contemplate about their particular circumstances, they ruminate about their concerns, they ponder over their options, they mull over the choices available to them – in short they think about how they should act in the real world and this thinking brings with it powers that can be causally efficacious (Peterson, 2011).

Respondents for life histories were selected from the households engaged in the questionnaire survey. I used a general life history guide, shown in Appendix 1, to ensure I captured all the facets of my study. At the same time, I ensured minimum interruption to allow farmers in my study to fully narrate their life stories. The selection of 18 individuals (11 females and 7 males) who provided life histories depended on my subjective evaluation of the value of the individuals’

contributions (as guided by their input during the questionnaire survey exercise) in relation to the goals of the thesis as well as their availability and willingness to offer personal interviews. On the number of interviews, I considered practical issues such as the availability of respondents and the amount of time I required to complete each in-depth life history. In any case, when it comes to how many qualitative interviews are enough, Baker and Edwards (2012) say ‘it depends’.

A survey was conducted at the household level to complement the qualitative methods. I used a questionnaire (see Appendix 2) as a tool and this permitted the quantitative characterisation of household perceptions on observed and experienced climate and other changes, perceptions on changes in household livelihood strategies, perceptions on causes of changes in climate variability, adaptive strategies employed and the various constraints and enablements implicated in these strategies. Largely, the questionnaire provided the basis for selection of individuals for life history interviewing. However, my anxiety over the use of questionnaires in the thesis derived from the fact that they miss out phenomena because of the use of specific categories. It was also impossible to capture internal conversations that would allow me to extrapolate the dominant modes of reflexivity using questionnaires.

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Bearing in mind my historical time line and the need to capture the temporal dimensions of adaptive strategies, the selection of households for the questionnaire followed purposive/judgmental sampling based on time lived in locality. Therefore, households targeted were those that had lived in the ward on or before 1992. I was convinced these households had lived long enough to have experienced, observed or witnessed considerable local and other critical climatic events as well as shifts in livelihood strategies. I therefore administered 60 questionnaires, to 10 qualifying households in Pasirayi village and 50 households in Nyakanyanga village. Six households participated in a pre-test survey that I conducted in order to identify potential problems associated with the interpretation of the questionnaires.

Transect walks were conducted focusing more on eliciting information on observed landscape. A transect walk is a method for describing and showing the location and distribution of resources, features and landscapes along a given transect and it involves in-field observation, conversations, and diagramming. Therefore, I took transect walks in the selected villages to observe crop fields, gardens, resource collection sites (such as water points), livestock and pastures, natural resources and features, present land use patterns, vegetation and other practices. These observations were augmented and clarified in conversations to capture changes in the physical features and cropping systems. At the same time I noted critical events that occurred in the field, for example, rainfall events between 18 and 20 April 2014.

I made use of local analysts Makumbi (local analysts) who were provided by the villagers during transect walks. Local analysts are people who provide an overview on the resources and resource use practices and structures in villages. Local analysts advised on the routes to follow during the transect walks and also provided explanations for some of the observations made. I used an observation guide presented in Appendix 3, to collect information for example, on what resources are abundant or scarce, which land use activities are evident and which resources have problems. Data gathered through observations enabled the verification of information gathered through other techniques and the checking of discrepancies between what people said in questionnaires and life histories, and what they actually did in practice.

33 1.7.4.3 Community and Institutional Data Collection

Although the household was the main unit of analysis, data was collected at community and institutional levels because these affect what happens at the household level. It was therefore important for the investigation to cover some key community events, actors, organisations and institutions within the larger environ of the in-depth study community.

In-depth interviews were conducted with key informants at the community level to provide expert information on data being sought. In the same manner that I complemented household data with transect walks and observations, I did the same at the community level. According to Diccico-Bloom and Crabtree (2006), key informants are selected for their knowledge and role in a setting and their willingness and ability to serve as translators, teachers, mentors and/or commentators for the researcher. They should have knowledge relevant to the study, be willing to share this knowledge, communicate well, and be unbiased or able to reflect upon their own biases. If appropriately situated in a social and community context, key informant interviews also render the opportunity to explore multiple positions on community relations pertaining to a given issue.

Therefore I selected the key informants for my study based on various categories which are:

social position/standing (for example, selecting religious leaders); roles or responsibilities (for example selecting the farmers’ chairperson, village heads and community representatives); and social cultural embeddedness based on their roles and age (for example, in selecting elders). The assumption on age in my study was based on the idea that those who have lived many years have heard, experienced and seen a great deal. A snowballing sampling technique was only used in isolated instances when the AGRITEX officer at Kagande (ward centre) referred me to a farmer who won the 2014 Agricultural Show and when one spiritual leader referred me to a leader in another church.

Therefore the 17 community key informants comprised 4 elders (selected on the basis of age only), 2 elders who participate in traditional ceremonies including those for rain, 4 spiritual

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leaders (those who pray through Vadzimu (ancestral spirits) and those who pray through Jesus)¹, 1 farmers’ leader, 2 outstanding farmers who won the 2014 Agricultural Show competition, 2 village heads and 2 community representatives². Questions (see Appendix 4) included asking key informants to identify community concerns in relation to climate components or parameters that have changed, how these have changed, how they characterise the changes, what they attribute the changes to, what has happened to livelihood strategies in the ward and what the community members have done or are doing to offset livelihood challenges (adaptive strategies). In addition, a ward map was also obtained from villagers in ward 3.

I also conducted 10 interviews to gain expert information from stakeholders from government departments and NGOs working in the district. These operate at both community and sub-national (district) levels. The stakeholders were: the District Administrator; 2 AGRITEX officers³, 1 Livestock Production and Development officer, 2 Veterinary officers⁴, 1 officer from the District Development Fund (Water Division) and 1 health worker at Charewa Rural Health Centre (RHC). I interviewed stakeholders from both a local and international NGO working in the area which are COMMUTECH and Plan Zimbabwe (Mutoko Sub-Unit) respectively.

Aspects covered in the key informant guide (see appendix 5) that guided interviews with these these stakeholders included agricultural practices and associated changes; vulnerability and livelihoods in the district; natural resources management and risk reduction in agriculture.

Additionally, a participatory method was used through several informal group conversations that were conducted with farmers and key informants. These were not planned but more of random encounters that I strategically utilised to discuss various issues. The groups comprised 3 or 4 elders depending on their availability. These conservations served three main objectives. Firstly, I deliberately used these conversations to seek clarity on some issues raised in key informant interviews and questionnaires as well as aspects that l observed about the landscape during my

1 I used this analogy to avoid using the dichotomy of traditional versus modern religions.

2 These are commonly known as CR, and were selected to represent their villages in NGOs projects.

3 One was at district level and one based in the ward.

4 One was at district level and one based in the ward.

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transect walks. I had my first and second group conversations on the 17April 2014 at Kagande Primary School where I met elders who had come for the United Methodist Church Easter prayers and 18 April with elders who had come to the same school for Independence Day Celebrations. From there I took advantage of various events and opportunities to have conversations with elders until I finished my fieldwork. Secondly, I used the informal discussions to establish an agricultural calendar (presented in chapter 6) crucial for understanding the livelihoods system of the ward as well as getting a detailed profile of the study site.

Thirdly, it was in these repeated group conversations that participatory wealth ranking was also conducted and the information fed into the wealth categories used in the survey I conducted at the household level. The variable of wealth was imperative as studies have established its influence on adaptation. Wealth ranking is a simple, participatory research tool that evolved from the 1980s alongside the growth of participatory rural appraisal (Guijt, 1992). It has been widely used in research to advance qualitative understandings of patterns of social differentiation within communities and to complement survey techniques. The method involves a group of local informants discussing what they mean by the term wealth in ways that tease out the multiple meanings.

In the local ChiBuja language in ward 3, wealth means upfumi and this is associated with assets such as cattle, food production, type of homestead and family well-being (like ability to send children to school and ability to hire labor). A person without wealth is therefore anotambura (one who suffers) and is called murombo (a person without anything). Therefore, insights from these conversations together with those from key informant interviews were used in designing the questionnaire for the study. After the questionnaire administration, four categories were extrapolated from the data, namely, vanowana (better off), vari pakati (middle) vanoshaya (poor) and vanoshayisisa (very poor).

36 1.7.5 Data Analysis

My presentation of findings in the thesis largely follows a reflective, narrative approach. I recounted critical field events, fused narratives from life history interviews with perceptions from key informant interviews, and illuminated these with pictures and numbers to tell a story about farmers living with change in Charewa. I am convinced that this was the best way to reliably draw the reader into the vignettes of my own observations and farmers’ stories.

Regarding data analysis, there is no agreed method in using qualitative data analysis techniques.

The theoretical lens from which the researcher approaches the phenomenon, the strategies that the researcher uses to collect or construct data, and the understandings that the researcher has about what might count as relevant or important data in answering the research question, are all processes that influence the data analysis (Thorne, 2000).

In this respect, Archer’s theory was used as a lens through which to view the data, understand the strategies adopted by farmers and develop my arguments. I use quite a number of quotations in my empirical chapters to illustrate my arguments. The use of quotations in this thesis was fundamental because presenting life history data allows the voice of the respondent to be heard whilst, at the same time, giving vent to researchers’ own interpretations and analyses of data (Hubbard, 2000).

The process of qualitative data analysis was based on a thematic approach. A thematic analysis is one that looks across all the data to identify the common issues that recur and identifies the main themes that summarise all the views one has collected. I began the process with familiarisation, which involved immersion in the raw data (or typically a pragmatic selection from the data) by listening to tapes, reading transcripts, and sifting and sorting notes and other pieces of data in order to detect key ideas, concepts and themes. Secondly, I rearranged the data, building categories until all the emergent coherent, recurrent and sub themes were identified. Finally, I interpreted the data, which means attaching meaning and significance to the analysis (Taylor-Powell and Renner, 2003). This entailed conceptually interpreting the main thematic categorisations, searching for inconsistencies, contradictions and associations between themes, and generating conclusions using my theoretical framework.

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For quantitative data, responses were fed into a computer using SPSS software. The analysis and presentation included descriptive statistics such as frequencies, percentages and averages.

Finally, I note that qualitative data analysis ideally occurs concurrently with data collection so that investigators can generate an emerging understanding about research questions, which in turn informs both the sampling and the questions being asked (Dicicco-Bloom and Cabtree, 2006). Therefore, my research was an iterative process switching between data collection, analysis and interpretation, with literature being consulted throughout the process to help clarify emerging concepts and ideas.