As discussed in the Reference Annexure, contract teachers/para-teachers slipped into educational practice without any policy level sanction. DPEP project documents had made reference to the idea of contract teachers and promoted the practice in project schools, but the first major reference to the issue can be found in the recommendations of the National Committee of State Education Ministers (1999) which was set up to recommend the approach to be adopted for achieving Universal Elementary Education (UEE). It is worth reading the Committee’s words on the subject:
Lack of community control over teachers, teacher absenteeism and low teacher motivation is often cited as reasons for not recruiting new teachers but for only concentrating on reducing wastage and internal inefficiency of the educational system. Even after making allowance for enrolment in private unaided and unregistered private schools, the teacher shortages are very significant. It is on this account that the recruitment of parateachers has to be considered a priority if all vacancies have to be filled up in shortest period of time. The issue of teacher/parateacher recruitment has to be addressed by all states as the long-term implications are for the states (…) for meeting the demand for teachers in a manner that the state can afford. Appointment of pay scale teachers to fill up all teacher vacancies as per teacher-pupil norms would require resources that state governments are finding increasingly difficult to find. The economic argument for parateachers is that provision of teachers as per requirement is possible within the financial resources available with the states. The non-economic argument is that a locally selected youth, accountable to the local community, undertakes the duties of teaching children with much greater interest. The accountability framework is well defined and by making the local authority as the appointing authority, the parateacher’s performance assessment is the basis for his/her continuance. The quest for UEE as Fundamental Right signifies a certain sense of urgency in doing so. This urgency calls for appropriate modifications in National Policy in order to respond to local felt-needs. The recruitment of parateachers is a step in this direction.4
4 Government of India, Report of the National Committee of State Education Ministers under the Chairmanship of the Minister of Human Resource Development to Develop the Structure and Outlines
A few years later (2001) the working group for the Tenth Plan warned: ’… In the recent past, there has been a move to decentralise recruitment and to make the teacher accountable to the local community of parents (…) Some of the newly recruited parateachers may be ill-equipped to teach—particularly beyond class 3. There is yet no long-term career development plan for these teachers. Consequently this situation could quickly deteriorate into low quality education…’ (p. 102)
Notwithstanding the apprehensions expressed by eminent educationists and educational administrators, the number of contract teachers and para-teachers continues to grow.
So we have an expanding teaching force that is demoralised, paid far less than their peers for doing the same job (thus violating the constitutional guarantee of equal pay for equal work), insecure, not sure if their contracts would be renewed and poorly trained with little or no ongoing academic support. The quality of education has clearly taken a back seat. It is, therefore, hardly surprising that the political leadership of the country is so wary of notifying the Right to Education Constitutional Amendment and introducing the Right to Education Bill in Parliament. The first practice that will be challenged is the phenomenon of different kinds of schools with differential investments for children—effectively making sure that the poorer and more remote a child is, the greater the chances that she will be unable to access a school that can provide her with a meaningful education.
Teachers we spoke to were categorical in their assertion that the introduction of contract teachers has been a huge blow to the teaching profession. In the absence of a pedagogical strategy which helps teachers to deal with diversity in the classroom, we expect them to do the impossible and they are designed to fail. How can we expect the most poorly-equipped teacher to deal with the most challenging of situations? An alternative model
In fact, Rajasthan’s Shiksha Karmi Project (SKP) demonstrated that achieving this objective is indeed possible—but only through a radical and system-wide reconceptualisation of teachers, teaching and training. SKP, which reached over 200,000 children most of whom were from remote and difficult areas and from very deprived sections of society, was conceived on the assumption that barefoot teachers belonging to the local community, once intensively trained and enjoying local community support, can overcome the lack of formal educational qualifications. SKP adhered to a set of simple but non-negotiable principles/rules:
- SKP schools to open every day; - Teacher to come to school every day;
- School to run for the full time, i.e., from 8 am to 2 pm; - Every SKP school to have a minimum of 2 SKs;
- Request for a SKP to originally come from the community;
- Equal emphasis on skill and attitude of SKs in the selection process, this would be verified by the SKP Board;
of Implementing Universal Elementary Education in a Mission Mode, MHRD, New Delhi, July 1999: 22- 23.
- The teacher to report in a monthly peer group meeting (SKP, Sandhan and SKP- Board) on what she has taught, the problems she faced and what support she needed;
- Anyone who went to the school (even an inspector) had to ‘give’ something— activity/lesson etc.; and
- The training process would weave together experiential, emotional and conceptual aspects of teaching.
The lifeline of SKP was the selection, education and training of the SK. The first step was to identify remote and backward villages where primary schools were not functioning. The next step was to inform the concerned Panchayat Samiti about the SKP. After the members and other elders were fully convinced of the importance of education for their children, a meeting was called of all educated young people between 18 and 33 years of age in those villages. A minimum level of 8th standard was fixed for men and 5th standard for women. Interviews were held informally to begin with. Later all candidates had to take tests in writing and oral skills in Hindi, handwriting, knowledge of numbers and the basic processes, cleanliness, hygiene and the environment were also tested.
Of the other criteria for selection of SKs, the following were important: - A positive attitude towards children;
- Excitement about a new chance to learn and to be a teacher; and - High energy levels.
The most significant contribution of SKP was the training process. The initial training module lasted up to 50 days, supplemented by recurrent and advanced training programmes for 10 days every winter and 20-30 days every summer. In addition, the programme organised remedial training camps for weaker Shiksha Karmis. This was as important as the formal interactions and extension of support through Shiksha Sahayogis. The trainers were drawn from the existing pool of teachers, outside specialists from NGOs and DIETs and also senior Shiksha Karmis. To meet the goal of one male and one female SK in every SK school (the proportion of female Shiksha Karmis is currently around 12 per cent), the programme also set up Mahila Prashikshan Kendras (13) which trained 349 women as Shiksha Karmis. In addition the programme also trained members of VECs, both to help with school mapping exercises and to oversee the effective functioning of the SK schools, primarily in association with the Lok Jumbish project.
Table 3.2: Training cycle in Shiksha Karmi Project
Shiksha Karmi 37 days Induction Training (earlier 37 days or 50 days depending on the model being used—Sandhan or Sankalp) 30 days First Training
30 days Second Training
20 days training after two years 20 days training after two years
20 day Refresher Course in year five, six, seven and eight 2 days monthly review, planning and difficulty removal meetings
After eight years, a SK becomes a Senior SK and can also become a Master Trainer
Master Trainers In addition to the above—SKs selected as Master Trainers undergo 26 days of MT Training
Shiksha Karmi Sahayogi 10 days additional training Mahila Sahayogi 1 day additional training
MPK Teachers 10 days quarterly training every year
(Source: Report of the Management Review of Shiksha Karmi Project, MSG, December 1997. Updated by Sharada Jain, April 2008).
The training programmes were residential and participatory, facilitating intensive interaction between trainees and resource persons. Training programmes were need- based depending upon the performance of Shiksha Karmis in previous training, work done in schools and test results. The training methodology was based on discussions, self and co-learning. It encouraged a participatory approach, positive acceptance and respect for Shiksha Karmis, self-discipline and social and gender equity and depended heavily on master trainers as role models. Special efforts were also made to attract female Shiksha Karmis and to reduce gender stereotyping. The aim was to ensure that the training cycle enabled teachers to correlate their own experiences in the classroom with what was transacted in the training workshops—there was a back-and-forth system whereby the trainers and local academic support groups visited the schools, observed teaching practices and provided on-site academic support.
Notwithstanding the fact that the SKP training regime was accepted as a best practice internationally, the government did not try to emulate the model under DPEP and now SSA. The teachers we met in Rajasthan said that they still remembered the old SKP training—but now both they and others feel that the training system is all about fund utilisation. Some even said that teacher-training has become a lucrative business for people who are in charge.