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Implications for Policy and Research Needs

The Public Perception of Carbon Dioxide Capture and Storage in the UK: Results from Focus Groups and a

6.6. Implications for Policy and Research Needs

Zaller (1992) argues that the lay public does not have well formed opinions on most issues which are not of immediate salience or relevance to their everyday life and livelihood. Converse (1964) similarly criticise the ‘expectation of opinionness’ which is an underpinning assumption of much survey research. Opinions and perceptions are, instead, shaped by (inter alia) the media and other marketing efforts of stakeholders. There are several very good examples of such shaping having taken place, e.g. in the case of disposal of the Brent Spa platform, Greenpeace was successful in convincing the media, and consequently the general public, that disposal at sea would incur unacceptable environmental risks (Smith 2000). A further example is the role of the media and campaign groups in shaping perceptions of GMOs in Europe in the late 1990s. Feedbacks between the media and public opinion are also documented, and have been formalised in the theory of risk amplification (Jaeger et al. 2001), which maintains that risk perceptions can become amplified through media presentations, and subsequent stakeholder responses.

The implication of such theory and real-cases is that because there is not a strong a priori belief in favour or against CCS, public opinion on CO2 storage could, at some future stage, be strongly shaped

by stakeholder groups, including the media or NGOs, who come themselves to formulate a strong opinion. As Wynne (1995, 1996) notes, bereft of sufficient technical knowledge, the public may come

to rely upon their sense of trust in the organisations involved, and in their past institutional performance, when assessing a new technology such as CCS. Research is not able to anticipate how public perceptions might change, possibly dramatically and rapidly, in response to pro-active stakeholder and media interventions and real-world events, though it can provide lessons from the past and guidance on ‘good practice’ in the communication of risks and uncertainty (Powell & Leiss 1997).

With the above proviso clearly in mind, the results suggest that public reactions to CCS could be reasonably supportive of the technology, provided that its purpose is well understood and that the key risks are acknowledged. This research suggests that proponents of CCS need to put their case clearly in the context of reducing the risks of global climate change, and the concomitant need for large long- term reductions in CO2 emissions to the atmosphere. The use of CCS as part of a portfolio of

decarbonisation options which range from new technologies, to lifestyle change, should be stressed, rather than presenting CCS as a ‘stand alone’ option. A partnership approach to control and regulation of CCS would be generally welcomed, in which government, industry and environmental NGOs each have a role to play.

With respect to public decision-making, the citizen panels could be reconvened to explore more specific CCS proposals or projects once they are on the table or in the pipeline. Alternatively, a new ‘bespoke’ panel could be established to discuss a specific CCS proposal or project, e.g. drawn from the local occupants and stakeholders near to the proposed project.

6.7. Acknowledgements

We gratefully acknowledge additional funding from the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) in the UK. We would also like to extend our thanks to the participants of the Citizen Panels, the interviewee respondents and the experts who presented material during the Panels (Bill Senior, Kevin Anderson, Paul Freund, Dorian Speakman, Michelle Brooks and Guy Wallbanks). We are grateful to Liverpool John Lennon International Airport for allowing us to conduct interviews on site. Finally we would like to thank the considerable help provided by two anonymous reviewers.

This chapter was previously published as a paper in Climate Policy (2005) Vol 4 pp.377-398 and is reproduced here with permission.

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i Samantha was one of the more vocal of the participants. She was a 21 year old administrator with no particular prior

socio-economic or educational reason for her high level of engagement that we could ascertain.

ii The group (and the facilitator) did not make any explicit distinction in the above discussion between ‘individual’

behaviours and behavioural change, and more ‘collective’ behaviours and their potential for change. On the other hand, the group were implicitly distinguishing between actions taken voluntarily by individuals (e.g. recycling, or reduction of energy consumption, use of public transport, etc.) and the actions of government which did not involve voluntary change by individuals. Some of the tension in the discussion reflected the need for collective governmental actions given individual apathy on the one hand, but the suspicion of policy by dictate from the centre on the other.

iii The exact relationship between these perspectives and beliefs and values would require precise definitions of ‘beliefs’ and