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9   CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY 116

9.2   Implications for policy 118

Projected decline in rate of home ownership

The evidence overall would suggest that there will be a decline in the rate of home ownership (owner occupation) in Australia if the changes identified in this study continue. This indicates that the policy levers that underpin the Australian housing system are failing to sustain levels of home ownership, particularly for low-moderate income households, including but not only younger households. It implies a need for a fundamental review of the housing and non-housing policy context and the market factors which shape the future of home ownership in Australia.

These changes will have broad implications for public policy, including breaking the traditional nexus between high rates of home ownership amongst older households and a relatively low rate of age pension by the standards of developed countries. As seen in this report, older Australians are able to live on low incomes because they are outright owners with low and relatively predicable ongoing housing expenditures. This implies some combination of the following:

Æ Rethinking of policies on retirement incomes to enable low-moderate income Australians who are unable to buy to have sufficient income to rent their housing, in particular when they are unable to work or as they start to retire from the labour force, reinforcing other research on this topic (e.g. Yates and Bradbury 2010).

Æ A different set of policies to enable households on low-moderate income households to enter and remain in home ownership, for example, through shared equity arrangements as discussed in another recent AHURI project (70394) (Pinnegar et al. 2009).

Æ Reconsideration of the main alternative to home ownership, the rental sector (private and social renting), to ensure that there is a sufficient supply of rental housing which is affordable to Australians who cannot afford to buy their own home, including older Australians. This is being considered in an AHURI project (50565) (Hulse et al. forthcoming).

Low-moderate income purchasers with children

One of the worrying aspects of the research is the decline in low-moderate income purchasers who have children. Whilst this to some degree reflects demographic

change, the decline is strongly related to household income. It is increasingly difficult for low-moderate income purchasers to afford to both buy a home and have children. The qualitative research confirmed that families with children feel very strongly on this point: they want to own a house to provide the security, control and stability that they feel is essential to create a home for children, and will take on high levels of debt and compromise on location in order to achieve this. There are two implications for policy:

Æ Development of different types of home ownership products that will enable families with children with their higher household expenditures to buy. A number of ideas have been floated over time including shared equity arrangements, community land trusts, and a HECS type system whereby mortgage repayments are rescheduled to lower costs in the initial years and recouped later when children are older and household expenditures decrease.

Æ Reform of the rental sector to enable families with children and who will be unable to access purchase to have better security, control and stability of their living arrangements. The purpose would be to provide a realistic alternative for such families so that they do not feel that they have to buy, even if they cannot really afford it, without undue financial hardship and risk of precipitating financial crisis.

Older low-moderate income purchasers

Low-moderate income purchasers are getting older compared to the early 1980s. The traditional model of home purchase in Australia involved paying off a house before retirement to ensure very low housing costs in older age. Increasingly, it appears, some low-moderate income purchasers will reach retirement age with debt still outstanding against the property they live in. This may have positive effects in view of an economic imperative to retain people in the labour force for longer, and some will want to work for longer, but not all will retain good health or have life circumstances which enable this choice. The implication is that there may need to be schemes for those who face difficulties due to poor health, disability, role as a carer or other factor which makes it difficult to remain in work. These would involve paying off the remaining mortgage in return for an agreed return on subsequent sale; in effect, a government managed or guaranteed reverse annuity scheme but specifically targeted to older low-moderate income purchasers at risk of being unable to complete repayment of their mortgage.

Older low-moderate income outright owners

Despite having no mortgage repayments, some older outright owners do not have sufficient funds to pay for housing-related expenses and also face financial hardship. This is essentially a problem of low levels of income. There are a number of ways of addressing this. The age pension should be sufficient to enable older home owners to pay ongoing costs associated with their housing, such as rates, insurances and repairs. Local government does offer rate discounts but these may need to be supplemented by additional targeted schemes. There are already a number of reverse mortgage products sold by private financial institutions to enable older home owners to access equity in their homes for current expenses, although the take up is relatively low (Bridge et al. 2010). In addition, Centrelink offers a Pensions Loans Scheme which is more limited than a reverse mortgage and offers an income stream without a lump sum option, equivalent to the level of the age pension and supplements such as Rent Assistance. The Home and Community Care Program—a joint Australian, State and Territory Government initiative—provides some funding for home modification and maintenance. However, consideration may need to be given to additional means of enabling older home owners to effect repairs essential for their health and safety or

to retrofit their homes to make them more energy efficient, thus reducing some of their ongoing expenditures.

Housing and financial stress

It is more useful to think in terms of a continuum of mortgage and financial stress rather than a binary of households who do, and do not, meet an arbitrary ratio of mortgage expenditure to household income. The research distinguished between mortgage stress, financial hardship and financial crisis. Only the latter group is at risk of falling out of home ownership. The implications for policy are that:

Æ Using a ratio of housing costs to household income to measure mortgage stress remains useful for some purposes, such as for presenting a broadbrush picture of changes in affordability over time and for understanding the number of households who have had to make major compromises in wellbeing or living standards to achieve ownership.

Æ The residual income (budget standards) approach used in this study is more accurate for certain purposes, e.g. establishing affordable housing price points, distinguishing between types of households with different expenditures, and as the basis for developing mortgage calculators.

It is important to understand the extent of financial hardship, and in particular financial crisis, being experienced by low-moderate income purchasers. This requires considering mortgage repayments along with other household debt. This raises a whole range of policy issues around lender practices and informed consumer behaviour which are well canvassed in Berry, Dalton and Nelson’s (2010) report on mortgage default. Over and above these recommendations we would add:

Æ Inclusion in any mortgage calculators of some measure of the additional ongoing costs of ownership, which for low-moderate income purchasers would be an additional 15 per cent over and above mortgage repayments.

Æ Consideration in any mortgage calculator of an income related sliding scale of capacity to pay, using the budget standard (or variation thereof) as a base.

Addressing disparities in housing wealth

There are increasing disparities in opportunities to generate housing wealth due to the restructuring of Melbourne housing markets from the mid-1990s as house prices in inner and middle suburbs have increased to a far larger extent than in outer suburbs and the growth zones. Differential house prices reflect differences in valued amenities including house types, transport, access to employment, schools and many other factors. Related to this point we found that low-moderate income purchasers living in outer suburbs and growth zones may not be able to move to other areas because they have insufficient equity, even after many years of purchase. Given the same broad policy contexts and similar urban forms, we have little doubt that other capital cities confront the same issues.

Addressing these problems requires more than housing policies. In larger part, this is an issue for urban policy: greater equity in amenity throughout an urban area rather than focusing public investment in inner city areas. The amenity of outer suburbs and growth zones can be increased through better urban planning and design, strategic investment in child care and education, as well as physical infrastructure, particularly public transport.

Lack of housing diversity

Low-moderate income purchasers are increasingly singles and couples, but the supply of housing which is affordable to them is predominantly in the outer urban and

growth zone where much of the stock is designed to cater to demand from families with children. Builders and developers appear locked into the assumption that new housing demand is largely only from families, where the evidence suggests otherwise. Again this takes us into the housing and planning domain and the vexed issue of the degree to which government can use the planning system to enable more appropriate and diverse housing outcomes.

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