Fijian Indians share a similar historical context to South African Indians regarding their arrival as
labourers. As in South Africa, Indian indentured labourers arrived to work on sugar cane plantations in the British colony of Fiji. Indenture began in 1879 and ended in 1919. Approximately sixty thousand Indians had arrived in Fiji by the end of indenture (Kelley, 1991:1). Indians entered indenture either voluntarily or in the case of many women, to escape abuse (Carter & Torabully, 2002:19-20). Women did not escape discrimination; they were seen as amoral and promiscuous in Fiji (Carter & Torabully, 2002:60). Those who came voluntarily were on occasion misinformed; the maximum daily wage in Fiji was less than half of what was advertised. The Fijian experience of indenture resulted in detailed records describing the severity of the treatment they were subjected to. Indentured workers described their experiences in Fiji as ‘narak’ (hell) (Carter & Torabully, 2002:21, 115). The labourers settled in Fiji resulting in an economy based on the majority Indian population. The majority of the indentured were North Indian and Hindu, however there were significant populations of South Indians and Muslims (1991:1-2). Labourers were recruited from bazaars and recruiters denied Brahmins and other high castes. This is a result of an incident involving a group of Pathans Muslims who protested working conditions and were severely punished and separated from other labourers. Recruiters therefore preferred individual labourers who were unattached. Claims to higher castes were made by labourers to distinguish themselves, even though caste could not be maintained. Caste rights, relationships and privileges were not perpetuated (Kelley, 1991:68-69). The nature of indentured labour in a foreign country resulted in the loss of caste. Kelley attributes this loss to the “radical pollution of
indenture” (Kelly, 1991:1-2). Carter and Torabully argue against this notion of castelessness, they view it as unrealistic (Carter & Torabully, 2002:85).
The Fijian government was unclear on legislating caste, though they did note birth as an indicator of caste for incoming labourers. The officials in Fiji later deemed caste to be extinct as a result of intermarriage and pollution. Furthermore, the government did not deem it practical to include caste legislation; since many of the different castes had different observances. Caste was also fluid as labourers reclassified themselves as higher castes (Kelley, 1991:106-109). Indenture allowed castes to obtain landownership status; land provided prosperity through its cultivation. Indian landownership grew rapidly. It was met with resistance and restrictions were placed on land acquisition by
immigrants in Fiji (Carter & Torabully, 2002:104-105). If personal laws regarding caste were to be legislated, instances of fraud where one claimed to be of another caste would be impossible to determine therefore complicating issues regarding marriage (Kelley, 1991:106-109). Brij Lal’s personal account describes his place of birth in Fiji as a village consisting of Hindus where Indian institutions such as panchayat and mandali and religious rituals were maintained. Caste had been significant but had eroded, although marriage across castes was rare (Bhana, 2008:222).
Hindu reformist Arya Samaj missionaries arrived in Fiji in the 1920s to impart teachings from the ancient Hindu texts called the Vedas. The group rejected the notion of static varna and instead promoted the notion of aspirational castes: one could improve ones standing through ritual and observance. This social upliftment was not restricted; Untouchables were able to achieve higher status through rituals. However, even though the Untouchables achieved higher status through the rituals, the high caste members of the Arya Samaj did not accept them. Untouchables and other low castes are more susceptible to conversion to Christianity and Islam, the Samaj sought to reconvert them to its form of Hinduism (Kelley, 1991:127,130). Indentured labourers gained linguistic knowledge and assets in order to empower themselves. Linguistic knowledge of the colonial language, English, was a prerequisite for socio-economic mobility; it further improved their relationships with the colonists The indentured realised that bilingualism provided access to employment as administrators or
interpreters. Knowledge, especially Western education, would free them from narak. Westernisation aided the dilution of Indian culture and allowed subsequent generations to distance themselves from their forefathers’ servitude. (Carter & Torabully, 2002:120,127,133,135). Mention of caste in Fiji is made till 1931 in a satirical petition regarding caste, that listed caste requirements, such as the
separation between high and low castes, marriage and the pollution of leather. The petition highlighted the irrelevance and impracticality of the caste system in Fiji. The official position was that caste did not exist in Fiji (Kelley, 1991:109,212).
Conclusion
Dumont’s construction of caste provides a model that is based on the notions of purity and pollution. Hierarchy is based on a notion of purity. While the definition of purity is uncertain, the Brahmin
represented these notions and occupies the highest rank, while the Untouchable represented impurity and were therefore placed in the lowest rank. Caste pollution resulted in lower ranking and therefore was avoided via separation. Separation mainly manifested itself in commensality and endogamy. If pollution did occur, purification rituals could eliminate the transgression. Traditional occupations within the village system created interdependence between castes. This was exemplified in the Brahmin- Kshatriya relationship; the Brahmin was reliant on the Kshatriya for patronage, while the Kshatriya was reliant on the Brahmin for spiritual status and rituals. Dumont’s postulations have faced criticisms; he was accused of having an inadequate understanding of caste as a result of his selective use of ethnographic material. Dumont’s notions of purity, hierarchy and interdependence have been disassembled. However it is important to note that Dumont did not attempt to provide a historical account of caste, he sought to provide a model that could be compared to the putative western ideal of egalitarianism. Dumont has succeeded in providing a conceptual model, whether this model is accurate or resembles reality is debatable.
Caste manifests itself quite differently in Trinidad and Fiji; the voyages to the sugar plantations were sites of assertion or reconstructions of caste in India. Generally, separation became impossible or impractical and resulted in the dilution of caste. Labourers ate together, resided together and
maintained the same occupation. The ratio of men to women made endogamy impossible. Some did adhere to native understanding of caste and refused to eat food prepared by lower castes or tasks associated with lower castes. The indentured experience did not eliminate notions of castes, hierarchies were reimagined with the replacement of purity by socio-economic factors. Mobility by lower castes became easier, especially if the Arya Samaj was involved. Mobility occurred primarily as a result of education. The indentured experience did not indicate a complete disregard of Indian culture and society; instead, Indian conceptions were altered abroad.
While the Gujarati community in Cape Town do not share the entire indentured experience, their reconstruction of culture and religion was impacted by their journey to South Africa and their experience in a foreign land. Notions of caste in Gujarat has been influenced by the Arya Samaj movement. Although initially concerned with reversing Christian conversion, the Samaj was
instrumental in the social mobility of lower castes in Gujarat. Pocock and Lynch’s study of the Patidar and Jatavs respectively, provide reference points for comparison to the South African Gujarati
community. Both castes are comparable to castes in Cape Town, the Patidars perpetuated
discrimination, while the mochis (who share a traditional occupation with the Jatavs) represented the largest caste group in Cape Town. Both of these castes are significant actors in the dispute regarding religious grounds in Cape Town which illustrates caste interactions and will be discussed in Chapter Three and Four. While this chapter provided an understanding of caste, the following chapter will construct the South African landscape and Indian experience within its boundaries.