we could see how the industry actually continues to create the event even after it was already over. In this case

the border line between the event and its representation was clearly abolished. The 'passivity' (or shall I say objectification) of the customers (allegedly the principals) in this case was also evident when they were not even asked if they would like 'their' video to be cut, or 'their' wedding to be revised.

What is most interesting for our discussion here, however, is the reflection of the relations between the different producers of the wedding. We could see how each element in the production has its own interests to protect.

This includes also the large Company itself. We saw how the latter, although itself dependent on the small companies, tries continually to ensure its image as the dominant 'player' in its relations with its subcontractors. It is also rather evident now that what looks as an efficient production on the surface does not necessarily indicate a 'harmonious' production process in the interior, a point which will shortly be discussed in more general terms. Before that, however, a few more points should be made on the subject of customers and their claims.

The Customer

What was common to the cases above, and I should add, to most other cases where claims were either actually made or were anticipated by the parlour, was the concern over a 'troublesome' customer. As a matter of fact one of the strongest arguments the beauty shop manager had in her controversy with the cameraman (case 1) was that the customer was 'troublesome' (yayakoshii) . Apparently if the customer had not been considered a 'difficult' customer, the wedding parlour might not have taken the trouble to correct the video so vigorously before presenting it, they might have considered it enough to make some minor changes instead of 'major surgery'.

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However, it is not only regarding claims that the parlour is so concerned about 'troublesome' customers. In the wedding production itself much more attention is given to those considered 'troublesome'. In the beauty shop level there were cases in which the employees were explicitly told by their manager to treat specific customers with special care. In other cases the beauty shop manager herself found it necessary to offer a special service. Such was the case in which she decided to do herself an 'outside (dressing) job' in a hotel, although it involved long hours of travelling. She only did it because she knew the customers were 'difficult', she explained, and she preferred to be there in person.

Although such is not the case with all 'troublesome' customers, there is a special category of customers who are considered to require special attention. These are people who belong to the Japanese mob (yakuza). During my fieldwork there were several weddings in which there was either clear information or a suspicion that yakuza members were involved.

In all of these cases it was easy to observe that special treatment was given to the customers.30 A specific case of a yakuza wedding deserves a brief mention here.

This is not the place here to describe the wedding itself and the interesting points in which it differed from other 'ordinary' weddings.31 I would like, instead, to mention only some of the points which may indicate the special treatment which the customers received. Unusual care was taken through all the departments and all stages of the wedding production.

It included the dressing of the groom by the beauty shop manager herself and the dressing of the bride (at her home) by the head bride dresser. On the 'front-stage' level the couple were accompanied by the head of the largest sales agency - a man - instead of the usual female sales lady - a fact which may also be associated with aspects of masculinity related to the yakuza (see note 31). The extreme act of 'favouritism' was in the permission given to the wedding reception to extend over as long as five hours, more than double the usual strict time limit. The producers' attitude towards their 'special'

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customers - which I would define as an ambiguous combination of fear (thus the special care) and latent adoration32 - although interesting for itself, can also reveal more of the general attitude towards 'ordinary' customers who do not deserve the same attitude.

In case 1 above a brief remark of the beauty shop manager about the customer being 'troublesome' was enough for her counterpart in the production to get her point. It was as if the word 'troublesome' (yayakoshii) was a kind of a code word among the different producers. Apparently the wedding parlour production system has developed a more institutionalized mechanism to do the same distinction. There is an agreed word which is put on the ('troublesome') customer's form in order for all elements in the production process to take notice of.

However, since the customer may see the sign, a confidential code word is used. It is the Chinese character for congratulations and long life {kotobuki), which is frequently used in the wedding industry - for example to mark wedding reception rooms - and as such the least obvious. While it is evident that this code word plays a unique role in unifying the usually antagonistic elements of the production 'against' the customer, the question remains whether or not the rather ironic choice of code may be regarded as an indication of the meagre existence of humour in the production of weddings.

Conclusion

A considerable part of this chapter has focused on what can be generally labelled as the wedding parlour's 'employment system'. In this I include both the employment of people and of subcontractors. It was interesting to observe a great similarity between both elements. In both cases we could discern aspects of exploitation, but we were also able see interdependence between the main actor and the 'smaller' ones (companies and employees). I will suggest that not only is this kind of relation part of the attempt made by Cobella to build an efficient organization for the production of

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weddings, it is also at least one of the reasons for its economic success. Clark writes about the Japanese company:

One way in which large companies can retain some degree of flexibility, is by employing numbers of temporary workers...A second way in which a large firm can adjust is by curtailing orders to the small firms which act as subcontractors to it. (my emphasis)

(Clarkl987:47)

It is exactly this flexibility which is so important to Cobella. Although Clark33 refers mainly to adjustment during difficult times, in the case of Cobella, the adjustment is twofold. Not only that Cobella, like other large companies, can more easily adjust itself to fluctuations on the market, it is exactly the same structure which is essential in its day-to-day work as a result of the seasonal nature of its product.

The reliance that Cobella has on small companies which are specialized in a particular task is certainly not uncommon to large Japanese companies. This kind of relationship has been discussed by many. The literature tends to emphasize the dependence and distinctions in power and quality between the large company and the smaller ones. This correlation between the company's size and measures of its quality such as productivity, level of wages and stability of its labour force has been generally referred to as 'dual economy' (See Broadbridge (1966), Yasuba (1976)), or as 'industrial gradation' (Clark 1987).34

The relations between the large or 'parent' company, and its subcontractors used to be seen mainly in terms of exploitation. However, it is now agreed that the relations may in many cases be regarded more in terms of cooperation and mutual trust (Yoshino 1968:156-9). In the case of Cobella and its subcontractors we could discern a relationship which can be best described on a continuum between exploitation on the one hand, and cooperation and mutual trust on the other. For

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example, the relations Cobella has with its catering company - which is tied to its parent company exclusively, even though the work is seasonal - can be regarded as closer to the exploitative end of the continuum. On the other hand, its relations with the beauty shop can be seen more in terms of cooperation and mutual trust.

The wide literature concerning the 'Japanese company' has not been interested only in the relations between companies, a major concern has been the structure of the company itself.

The prevalent view has been that large Japanese companies share the same characteristics (Koike 1988:4-5). In many of these kinds of accounts cultural continuity is used as an explanatory device (Abegglen (1958), Nakane (1984)). The proponents of the so-called 'culturalist view' (Koike 1988) attribute characteristics, such as 'life time employment' (Abegglen 1958:11) and seniority wages, to the Japanese company and, in general, maintain that the reason for the existence of 'unique' labour management practices in Japan lies in the fact that Japanese society has a group-oriented morality (Koike 1988:5). Although this particular thesis is not a 'company research' per se it does call for yet more attention to the suitability of the 'Japanese company' definition to both large and small companies. We have seen that at least one major component of the 'Japanese company' does not seem to be valid for the description of the large company. It is hardly possible to describe the employment system of Cobella as 'life time' or permanent employment.

Although scholars are aware of the diversity in Japanese companies, the tendency is still to use a scale in which the large companies are considered as the norm and small companies are considered marginal. It is also still the case that both scholarly and popular attention is centred on the Japanese mainstream. The image of Japan Inc. which stresses familiar themes such as life time employment, harmony, homogeneity, diligence, and a 'Confucian ethic' still prevails. This attitude includes a spate of relatively recent works which are seeking to unlock the secrets of 'the Japanese way' - such

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works as Pascale and Athos (1981), Ouchi (1982), and Vogel (1979).

It is important to note, however, that there are writers who attempt to give an alternative to the prevailing view - like Kondo (1990) - or to modify it (Vogel 1975).

Nevertheless, unfortunately, it seems that such writers have stayed 'trapped' in the idea that the difference lies in size.

The main idea promoted in such views is that characteristics such as permanent employment and seniority system apply only to a minority of workers in Japan and it does not include certain workers such as farmers, those employed in small companies and temporary workers (including women) (Vogel 1975:xviii). Attempts like that of Kondo (1990) to study smaller companies and women in that respect indeed should be followed. However, scholars should try to avoid perpetuating the prevalent view by presenting their own research as that of the 'other side' - small companies (Kondo 1990:50) and the 'different' - part-time women as opposed to full-time male employees. Here again, when looking carefully at the example of Cobella, it is possible to see that the definition of low- status part-timers is much larger and can apply not only to w o m e n .35

Another aspect in my description of the parlour's work in this chapter seems to be raising some other thoughts concerning well established ideas about the Japanese company

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and Japanese society (which seem to overlap). In my discussion of the (working) life of the parlour I have used terms such as 'conflict' and I have mentioned ways of conflict resolution.

Looking carefully at the everyday life of the parlour, it is possible to describe it as a life full with series of conflicts and with organizational mechanisms which exist to solve them. But, let us not be wrong here, these mechanisms are not to be seen as 'functionalistic'. They are, instead, purposely and intentionally used by the stronger players (mainly the strongest player) in process which can be defined more in terms of 'division' than of 'solidarity'.

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The picture of the Japanese company portrayed in this chapter seems to contradict the largely held view of the Japanese company and society as 'harmonious', 'group-oriented' and 'conflict-free'. However, there is a growing literature on aspects of conflict management in Japanese society (Krauss et al. 1984, Eisenstadt and Ben-Ari 1990). This kind of literature that examines Japanese society through the study of conflict and which may - as it was put by Krauss, Rohlen and Steinhoff - "strike some as an unusual, and even perverse, approach to adopt given most previous English-language studies of Japan" (1984a:3), seems to be more appropriate to describe the 'real' life of the company depicted in this chapter.

However, in a rather similar way to that of company studies mentioned above which try to offer an alternative but fall into the 'trap' of 'dual economy', some of the 'conflict' literature falls into the 'trap' of the 'culturalist' interpretation, or remain in the "Japanese cultural context"

(Befu 1990: 235)36 instead of offering a general theoretical framework. A relatively 'mild' version of this kind of attitude is expressed by the editors of a volume on 'Conflict in Japan':

Generally, the cultural ideal of harmony is more notable in Japan than in the West. Conflict is not considered natural there, rather it is regarded as an embarrassment to be avoided whenever possible.

(Krauss et a l . 1984a:11)

A more explicit expression of this perspective is offered by one of the writers in the same volume:

If the Japanese place more value, as I believe they do, upon social interdependence, cooperation, solidarity, or harmony than, say, the Americans, they are more likely to interfere with one another's actions. The norm of harmony may be precisely what makes people more aware of

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conflicts with others, conflicts between self-interest and obligation and so forth.

(Lebra 1984b:56)

It seems that Krauss, Rohlen and Steinhoff (1984) and others in the same volume are disinclined to discard completely ideas of Japanese uniqueness, let alone, the Japanese model of harmony, although they admit its faults (Krauss et a l . 1984b). Here, again, Lebra (1984b) explicitly expresses this idea:

When we focus on conflict we seem to accept the conflict model and reject the harmony model as if they are mutually exclusive. This is an oversimplified dichotomy that fails to capture reality. In fact, the logic of bipolarization may well be reversed. The more harmony- oriented, the more conflict sensitive.

(Lebra 1984b:56)

In this concluding part of a chapter concerning the organization and work at the 'backstage' of the production of weddings, I have touched on the important and well addressed subject of the 'Japanese company'. My discussion, however, was not, by any means, intended to offer a comprehensive analysis of the 'Japanese company'. Instead, my intentions were more 'modest'. In other words, by looking in a very general manner at literature which is interested in the Japanese company as well as in that which deals with conflict in Japanese company and society, I have tried to raise questions rather than supply answers. One of the main conclusions which can be reached here is that there is still room for scholars of the Japanese company in particular, and more generally of Japanese society to adopt a more general theoretical approach to the study of company and society. The tendency of scholars of Japan to stay embedded in a culturalist interpretation will be further discussed in the thesis in relation to the 'all- powerful' notions of Japanese 'uniqueness' which are part and

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parcel of the nihonjinron (discussion of the Japanese).

However, here, what I would like to leave as an open question for scholars of Japanese company and society to try and ask themselves - in a paraphrase on Rohlen's (1974) well known title: Is it really 'harmony' from which the Japanese company - and yet again, society - takes its 'strength'?

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Notes

1. His case was rather exceptional among wedding parlour's managers in Shochikuden, since university graduates usually do not work for such low pay. This point is obviously related to the general low ranking of wedding parlours as compared to other wedding facilities, such as hotels.

2. New scenes are usually first offered on an experimental basis.

Such was the new offer of a young geisha costume (maiko) for the bride (an idea that will be discussed later in greater detail (chapter 7.)) Another original idea of the manager was of a unique kimono show to be performed in an International Conference of Nurses and Midwives in the city. The introduction to the nurses association was made through another employee of Cobella, who worked in the funeral department and thus had close relations with hospital staff.

3. In the two latter cases, Cobella employees promote 'products' (furniture and honeymoon plans) of sub-companies of the Shbchikuden Group. The furniture is offered by a company called Shochikukagu (Shdchiku-Furniture) which produces and sells bridal furniture (konrei k a g u ) . The company which deals with honeymoon plans is called Shochikuden - Travel Service.

4. For example, only men employees are required to act as 'models' in bridal fairs. Female parts in the fairs are acted by outside volunteers - young girls who are happy to act as models, just in order to have the chance to put on wedding outfits. Also, the job of guiding the wedding party to the ballroom for example, is always done by a man, while the 'anonymous' announcements are always done by female voices (see chapter 2).

5. Although most workers are employed on a part-time basis, some of them - like the young students shrine maidens - have a lower in the Japanese economy. This practice is very common in the car industry. In a car firm like Nissan, for example, 70% of the cost of goods and services used in the production of a small car is represented by orders to sub-contractors. The percentage is even higher in other industries (see Clark 1987:68). In these cases, however, the majority of the sub-contracted work is done outside and then brought into the plant.

7. Only one goods supplier is represented personally on a regular basis. The jewellery company, in charge of engagement and wedding rings, has its own young female representative on most busy Sundays, but not throughout the week. Other companies have to rely on others, either Cobella employees, or other companies' workers (as we will shortly see) to promote their goods.

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8. Unfortunately I could not get exact figures of the wedding parlour's share in this case. However, from other figures that I received for other companies which supply their goods through the beauty shop (see below), I would estimate that the wedding parlour takes at least 30% and possibly more.

9. See chapter 7 for the various inventions - including the wig - which are related to the 'traditional-Japanese' appearance.

10. The lighter wigs were a rather recent introduction to the wedding production. At the start, probably for promotion reasons the wedding parlour did not take its cut, and for a period of a few months the wig company shared the amount of ¥38,000 (70%) with the beauty shop (30%). Later on, the wedding parlour decided to raise the price for the customer to ¥50,000, so that it could take the increase. The parlour did not consult with the two companies for their opinion concerning the level of the increase.

11. As we shall see later on (chapter 4), the beauty shop's owner actually started her relationship with Cobella in large part

11. As we shall see later on (chapter 4), the beauty shop's owner actually started her relationship with Cobella in large part