6. Data description
6.1.2 Informal settlements: social dimensions
Motivations behind political engagement within informal settlements were often associated with the conditions of these places. For instance, ten respondents – mostly men – stated that their involvement in local political parties – mostly the ANC160 – and/or joining of local community-‐based committees (CDCs) was motivated by the
157 See next subheading for interviewees’ description of ‘new reality’.
158 As two members explained: “Since the primary level I was involved with the Boys Scouts” (AbM member 12, 2010); “And also at school I was a chairperson of ‘Student Representative Council. At school I was also a chairperson of COSAS [Congress of South African Students]. Lot of things” (AbM member 3, 2010). Another member described that before joining AbM and the Rural Network (see Chapter 5), he used to work for a local church, and that he was campaigning for development in rural areas. He became an activist through debates in school about development of rural areas. Around 1988, he formed a youth organisation, ZYC (“Helping yourself”), which was active in organising activities for the youth, such as sports and poetry. Because of his leadership in the organisation of activities, at the age of 28, he was arrested. According to him, the apartheid government accused him of being a terrorist. He was detained for a month, and after his release, he joined the church. Through his work as a reverend with the church he became involved in setting-‐up the Rural Network, in 2006. Through the Rural Network he has been working with HIV/AIDS education, helping people to fight evictions in farms and rural areas, and supporting people to go to court and challenge evictions (AbM member 30, 2010).
159 Seven out of thirty interviewees.
160 In spite of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) being more prominent in the Kwazulu-‐Natal state, most informal settlements studied in this research have strong links with ANC, and community committees were – often – linked to the ANC local branch.
“inhumane” and “disgusting” living conditions, which in many cases were inferior to those of their rural homes they had left behind.161
These members further stated that they had been involved in CDCs, either independent committees, or those that were formed by the ANC within informal settlements. One member, described why he joined the Kennedy Road Development Committee (KRDC):
“I joined to support the community and also because the community members encourage me into it” (AbM member 25, 2010).
Of the ten respondents, six joined activities almost immediately or shortly after they arrived in the informal settlements, and all but one (who was too young at the time), reached a position of leadership within local CDCs. For younger members, early engagement with such kind of organisations seemed to have influenced their future role as leaders within AbM. A young member described his involvement with a local CDC after moving from the rural area, as follows:
“Later I became a community member in Pemary Ridge. I was 18 years old. I grew up with the community and I always been with the community. I became the vice chairperson in 2002 to 2004” (AbM member 7, 2010).
Interviews revealed that political party membership was an important aspect in their background. In particular ANC membership was perceived by interviewees as way to
161 A young member from Kennedy described that when she first arrived at an informal settlement, to live with her aunt, she was so shocked that she asked her aunt: “Are we staying here?!” She describes the one bedroom shack as “everything in one space”, and she was very scared of the place and everything around it. This was a very different reality from her place in the rural area. In the beginning she could not bear to spend weekends in the settlement, and she would stay with friends. After a few months, she got used to the conditions in the settlement (AbM member 27, 2010).
Another member described that when she moved to Kennedy, she looked in disbelief. She was coming from a place where she lived in a house, with electricity, running water, and even had her own bedroom.
She asked herself: “how could people life in such conditions?” She said that she had an option to rent a flat in town, but she thought it was too isolated. She described that, even though she didn’t like the conditions in Kennedy, she felt welcome there, and thought that people were relating to each other.
"Despite their living conditions they have this sense of humanity within them. If other people can stay here, even myself, I can stay here" (AbM member 15, 2010).
get involved in the development and improvement of their respective communities.
One member described the following:
“when I was growing up, in my area, the only popular organisation that existed was the ANC, and when I came to Durban it was also the ANC. I was joining because in my hometown the only party that was popular and praised was the ANC. In the 1980’s and 1990’s there was a war between ANC and IFP, and the outcome of it, in people’s mentality is that ANC is the only good party. When I moved to Durban, I felt that most people around me were involved with ANC, so it was a natural path for me to follow” (AbM member 15, 2010).
However, interviewees involved in party politics or with CDCs were dissatisfied with the rigid, bureaucratic, unresponsive structure of political parties and government bodies. Some described their discontent after prolonged periods of unfulfilled
promises from ANC officials.162 These interviewees, who joined or were involved in the creation of AbM since 2005, described their discontent with their circumstances and lack of responsiveness of public institutions as follows:
“I decided to join Abahlali motivated by the conditions we were living there, we didn’t have light, water. The local councillor came and made a lot of promises but then disappeared for a long time, he appeared only on election time” (AbM member 22, 2010).
“We struggled to negotiate with the local councillor for more toilets and taps. The councillors kept saying, it will be done in 2 weeks, and nothing happened – and it was empty promise after empty promise. We started to get upset, and realized we couldn’t trust the councillor” (AbM member 18, 2010).
Other members recognized the importance of ANC in the past, but they had a more pragmatic view about how the party political structure worked. They often described realizing that they had been manipulated and had no voice within political parties structures:
“I decided to leave the ANC, not because I hate the ANC, just because I think the ANC came to do good, but the people… you see, if you are riding a bus, if you are inside the bus, and you notice that the bus is not going straight. You must not think
162 As an interviewee described: “I am not a member of ANC anymore, cause they don’t help us anyway, I don’t trust them” (AbM member 10, 2010).
that the problem is with the bus. It means that the problem is with the driver. I noticed that – with the text and the writing – with the ANC” (AbM member 3, 2010).
Dominance and manipulation have also been acknowledged by a few members:
“I learned a lot within [the ANC], what it means understanding the party politics.
And it helped me differentiate from what I call today living politics and party politics. Very practical distinction with the top-‐down approach, who sets the agenda. […] There, the Mayor and the structure tells the agenda, not the community. They do that to secure their future” (AbM member 12, 2010).
“When we were in the ANC, we were just puppets there, because we were just told by the councillor what was going to happen, there was no vibrant… a debate about how things should be done, and so and so. It was the national executive decision brought to the province; comrades should do this, attend to that rally. Not even part of organising it, we just appreciated we were invited and we were going to be provided a free bus. And then you go to the rally, sit down there and go home”
(AbM member 20, 2010).
Frustration with government, party politics, and the lack of tangible results from engagement with the ANC, appeared to be the driving reasons for some members’
activism. Moreover, a few of the members interviewed would invariably describe the realization of the need to step forward and do something to improve their condition.
This sentiment was evident during discussions in AbM meetings (AbM executive meeting at AbM's office, 2010)
However, other members did not demonstrate the same kind of questioning and understanding about party politics and patronage kind of relationships. These
members described particular circumstances and overall dissatisfaction, which made them seek help. Particular circumstances for engagement varied, and included: being threatened with eviction by local ‘chiefs’ and landlords; problems with corruption;
being either forcefully transferred to transit camps or moved there following empty (even deceitful) promises (AbM member 6, 2010; AbM member 8, 2010; AbM member
16, 2010; AbM member 17, 2010; Introductory Community Visit at Ridge View transit camp, 2010).163
When inquired about what kind of action they took before seeking the help of AbM – or finding out about AbM – some described that they asked for help from local church organisations, ANC local branches, and the police. These attempts were not only unsuccessful, and they perceived that they could not count on assistance from these institutions:
“We joined because they [AbM] were the only people that really helped us, you know we were going through this problem, we tried so many other places, we tried going to ANC offices, we tried everything. We went to legal aid, we went to
complain to ANC office, but they didn’t help us. Then we heard about Abahlali, and then we joined, and they helped us a lot” (AbM member 8, 2010).
“I was threatened before, when my husband was in prison. At that time, I was not part of Abahlali. I was in great fear, and I lived in fear. I didn’t call the police because they were on the side of the chief. I don’t trust the police” (AbM member 6,
2010).164
Among these members, some talked about not knowing what to do and who to reach for help. These members stated that before AbM came to their communities, they did not know about their rights.165 According to these members, AbM has supported them, brought “the knowledge of rights” and “helped [them] find [their] voices” (AbM
member 5, 2010; AbM member 6, 2010; AbM member 9, 2010).
Responses from interviews thus suggest different experiences and reasons, which led members to create or join AbM. For some members, joining AbM was a practical decision based on problems and hardship encountered in their daily lives, and not necessarily a realization and understanding about dominance and exploitation. Other members, however, demonstrated having an understanding of the root of injustice
163 A common example is that of shack dwellers who had their allocated Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) houses, given, or sold to, other families. See Chapter 4
164 By chief she refers to a local landlord who has been trying to evict shack dwellers from the area.
165 These interviewees described being unaware of laws and rights that protected them, for example, that the police could not evict them without a court order, and without providing them a place to stay.
and about how shack dwellers are often affected by party politics and the violation of their rights.