As stated previously, Christians are very good at forming institutions and communities of different sizes and at different levels. And the communal aspect of Christianity, in many ways, supplements the lack of institutional structure among the Chinese diaspora. The strong institutional and communal affiliation has made the Chinese migrant Christian communities
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stand out among Chinese communities in Britain (see Chapter Five). Social institutions and communities are made up of individuals. Some scholars who have followed the lived-religion approach in their studies of religion point out that religious individuals do not necessarily adhere to the institutional prescriptions in their everyday life (e.g., Hall, 1997; Orsi, 1997, 2003; McGuire, 2008; Ammerman, 2007; Neitz, 2011; Nyhagen and Halsaa, 2016). Through my research, I find that ideas promulgated by religious institutions can have consequences upon individual religious persons. Therefore, the institutional dimension of religion also needs to be considered in the study of lived religion.
In the study of religious commitment among Americans, Stark and Glock (1968: 16) use the term ‘expectation’ to capture the role of religious institutions in the development of
individual religious commitment. In my study, what do the Chinese Christian institutions expect from the converts? To answer this question, I firstly draw on my observation at a baptism service at a mainline Chinese Christian church in S city, England (the SCCC, documented on 5 June 2016). Example #1 below presents an excerpt from my field note documenting the liturgical formula that the pastor used in conducting the baptism service. Contextual information is provided in the paragraph after the example.
Example #1.
Scenario: The liturgical formula of baptism at SCCC, 5th June 2016
The minister: Do you receive Jesus as your personal Lord and saviour?
The convert: Yes. I do.
The minister: Do you renounce the evil Satan?
The convert: Yes. I do.
The minister: Do you promise you will read the scripture, pray daily, and come to church to worship regularly?
The convert: Yes. I do.
The minister: xxx [the name of the baptismal candidate], I baptise you in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.
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The SCCC is a non-denominational church, which is typical among most Chinese Christian churches in Britain. The Chinese migrant churches (with a few exceptions) often do not strictly adhere to particular Christian liturgical traditions, such as those of Roman
Catholicism, Anglicanism or Lutheranism (cf. Yang, 1999). As I have previously participated in both Catholic and Anglican baptismal liturgies, I noticed that the SCCC's baptismal
liturgical formula is somewhat innovative compared with the ones that I have experienced before32. The first two questions asked by the minister include some basic tenets of Christian beliefs, such as the personal salvation through ‘receiving Jesus as one’s personal lord and saviour’, and the attribution of the source of evil to ‘Satan’. The innovativeness of the liturgical formula lies in the third question. It informs the baptismal candidates about
Christian practices, such as daily scripture reading, praying, and regular church attendance, as construed as necessary elements of Christian life. In this way, the questions in the baptismal liturgy can convey the institution’s expectations for the converted individuals, in which not only core Christian beliefs are reiterated, but also necessary practices for Christians were articulated.
Baptism, as well as the Holy Communion (or Lord’s Supper), are considered the two most important ritual events among most Chinese churches (cf. Yang, 1999: 58-61). Unlike the monthly Sunday Communion service33, baptism service is conducted far less frequently,
often only once or twice a year at the SCCC. The church owns a large building that can house three different congregations simultaneously (the Cantonese, Mandarin, and English-
speaking) with up to around 400 congregants. According to Rev. Ruth, the chief pastor of SCCC, there are around 15 to 20 people baptised at the SCCC each year. A large proportion of the baptismal candidates are Chinese students studying in the universities and colleges in S city.
Before baptism, each baptismal candidate would be required to take some catechetical sessions, the time of which can various between three to twelve months. The baptismal candidates would also be encouraged to ‘actively participate in’ various fellowship meetings, Bible study sessions, and other church-related recreational activities. This is how ‘the people
32 For examples of the Anglican liturgical formulas for the rite of Christian baptism, see:
https://www.churchofengland.org/prayer-and-worship/worship-texts-and-resources/common-worship/christian- initiation/holy-baptism-accessible-language/holy-baptism
33 According to my observation, the mainline Chinese Protestant Christian churches in Britain generally observe a tradition of monthly communion service. There can also be variations to this norm depending on the church’s specific denominational affiliation or other practical necessities.
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in the church can get to know them better through their testimonies of faith’ according to Rev. Ruth. She also considers the ‘churching time before baptism’ crucial for the baptismal candidates to ‘see for themselves how Christians live and behave’. (Quotes above taken from the interview with Rev. Ruth, 11May 2016)
The ‘churching time before baptism’ and the catechetical sessions described by Rev. Ruth, can be considered part of Christian initiation for the baptismal candidates at the SCCC. As mentioned previously, the completion of initiation is marked by the prayer of decision said by the potential converts, which is often followed by baptism. However, as I will show in the interview excerpt below, it is possible for those who have said their prayers of decision to delay their baptism. It seems to me that Christian baptism can be viewed as a demarcation between the stages of initiation and commitment. During Christian initiation, the potential converts are taught by the Christian institutions and individuals with tenets of Christian beliefs and practices, and would have completed their preliminary socialisation with related faith communities. For the potential convert to develop a commitment to the faith, the Christian institution expects the ‘confession of faith’, in Gooren’s (2010: 49) term, which is best substantiated through receiving baptism in a public church gathering setting. For example,
[…] As a missionary focusing on student ministry, I often encourage them [the young people] to get baptised after they have prayed the decision prayer. You know, some young people need a bit of a push, otherwise they would drift away […] I often encourage them to be brave and take a further step […] I won’t say that you are saved through baptism. We [the Christians] believe we are saved by having faith in Jesus and God’s grace […] Indeed, it [baptism] is a ritual. But it is important. Can you imagine a Christian who always remains silent about his [or her] faith? You must let people know that you are a Christian […] Baptism is a good opportunity for you to declare to others that you are a Christian […] You’ll set a good example before the non-believers […] After your baptism, the people in the church can know you better. It means that you are received in our big family completely.
Yue, female, interviewed on 11 Feb 2016 The excerpt above is taken from my interview with Yue, who was once full-time missionary at the SCCC for eight years. In the excerpt, Yue gives her opinion on the significance of baptism, as she understood, for the converts and the church community which she serves. In the interview excerpt, Yue said that although the church’s evangelical ministries are oriented on the basis of encouragement, particular persuasions were needed to ‘push’ those who have
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decided to convert to receive baptism. For Yue, an important element of Christian commitment is to be outspoken about one’s Christian faith and identity, as her rhetorical question stated that she could not ‘imagine’ a ‘Christian who remains silent about his or her faith’. In her theology, baptism is not a prerequisite for Christian salvation. Concerned about the lack of commitment among the new converts, Yue regards baptism as a good opportunity for the new converts to declare their faith publicly before the church congregation. Since there would be both Christians and non-Christians attend the baptism service, the ritual of baptism of individual candidates can ‘set good examples’ for those who have converted but are not baptised, as well as for the non-Christian attendees. In other words, the baptism service can be an opportunity for Christian witnessing. Moreover, Yue affirmed the
sociological significance of the ritual of baptism. As the mentioned in Chapter Five (Section 3.2), the family-metaphor is popularly used in Chinese Christian communities. The reception of baptism in public setting in the church marks beginning of Christian commitment, through which the person is warmly welcomed to join the church family.
At the baptism service, not only the SCCC members, but also the friends, classmates, colleagues and relatives of the 12 baptismal candidates were invited to attend the service. Some had travelled for hours to S city. Through my casual conversations with the candidate- affiliated attendees, I found some of them were neither regular SCCC members, nor
Christians. Among these attendees, some who lived in S city said, they had been invited to the SCCC before for fellowship meetings and other social activities at least once. When asked about their motivations for the attendance, some said that they were ‘curious’ about the baptismal ritual and Christianity in general. Although they were not Christians, they
considered baptism an important event in their friends’ (the baptismal candidates) lives, so that their attendance was to demonstrate their support. In my conversation with the Christian attendees who personally accompanied the candidates, I found that some had played the role of mentors to the candidates prior to their baptism. For example, one Christian attendee said that he helped a candidate write about her conversion testimony and witnessed her uttering decision prayer. Some of the Christian attendees also brought their family and friends to the service.
To sum up, this section has illustrated the commitment that is expected from individual converts by the religious institution, the Chinese church and its leadership. The illustration revolves around the event of Christian baptism, which I regard as a ritual event demarcating the stage of initiation and commitment in the Chinese migrant Christians’ conversion
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trajectories. It indicates the beginning of the stage of commitment for the new converts. In Example #1, the liturgical formula used in the baptism service has revealed the church’s expectation for the new converts in terms of basic tenets of Christian belief and practice. Apart from the religious dimensions of the commitment such as beliefs and practices,
according to my interview with Rev. Ruth, consistent communal participation is also of great importance as part of Christian commitment. Through the interview with Yue, a missionary at SCCC, another aspect of Christian commitment, a convert’s articulation of his or her Christian faith and identity in public, expected by the Christian institution, is also demonstrated.
According to my research experience, SCCC is a typical mainline Chinese migrant Christian church in Britain in terms of its size, structure, theological orientations, and its connection and affiliation with other Chinese Christian communities in Britain. Thus, I consider its expectations of Christian commitment are likely to be applicable to other Chinese Christian institutions in Britain. In the next section, I present how individual converts can respond to the institution’s requirement for commitment.