The Comprehensive Development Strategy (CDS) emphasised a fair distribution and provision of resources and opportunities for both men and women. In Sudan the extended family provides social services to different members; the family is responsible for the old, the sick, and the ill. In general women are assumed to carry the burden of these social services beside their traditional responsibilities, particularly in the rural areas. The Comprehensive Development Strategy identified women' s needs in a special section. It calls for bridging the gap for women by allocating 1 5% of the development budget to women' s programmes and 25% quota system to ensure women's participation in parliamentary political life (Kuku and Jamal 2002:232). However, in 2002 the percentages of women in parliament and in social and popular committees are 1 0%, 5% in the state councils of the Northern states, 1 1 % in Khartoum state and 8% in the assemblies of the Southern states (Kuku and Jamal, 2002:232- 33). At national level, the government implemented new rules regarding property rights. The law even favours women over men in case of divorce, as land is put under a woman's name and in joint title to land if she is married. In general there has been an effort to integrate women in development processes as women development directorates were established in some relevant ministries. However, in Sudan the division of labour between women and men varies from culture to culture and from one economic group to another (Osman (2002:23).
All development projects In S udan, particularly in the 1 980s, adopted the Women in Development approach (WID) (GCRT, 2003 :6). Women' s programmes were implemented as a component of development projects, which were basically focused on utilising women as a human resource and aimed to provide them with basic needs as mothers and housewives. According to Gender Center for Research and Training (GCRT) (2003 :8) WID was criticised
for not addressing women' s situations within the society as influential citizens. Therefore in the 1 990s the Sudan government, through its comprehensive development strategy along with development projects, began to adopt the concept of Gender and Development (GAD), which is aimed at tackling and challenging customs and traditions that impede both men' s and women's development. I n this regard the research participants have challenged some of these perspectives. The following responses during field research represented a common view recorded during interviews and focus group discussions at national level. A businesswoman argued:
'We in the Sudan, particularly in the cities, did not experience any oppression or exclusion because of being women. Unfortunately, our local women NGOs followed the foreigners' organisations in repeating the same scenario about women' s exclusion and suppression, just because they wanted to get support. However, I own and manage factories and enterprises, supervise male technicians and workers, traveled abroad to arrange for purchasing some material, and never face any problem. Women have not enough confidence to develop themselves. These resources, which were wasted in arguing over gender issues, if directed to development by now could lift African's women from their misery' (BW-FGD, 07/20051 Khartoum).
A female academic who had previous working experience in rural areas explained:
'Most of those women who hold senior political and administrative posts have failed to present good models. They are either arrogant or aggressive and never care about women's issues. Rural women are suffering because of illiteracy and lack of services. If that changed they would enjoy the same opportunities like urban dwellers. However, those local NGOs who always talk about gender issues and rural women never go there and make real contribution to change that situation' (FA-FGD, 07/20051 Khartoum).
These responses raise important issues, especially the impact of women's education and the role and contribution of educated women. Moreover, it questioned the external development providers' perspectives and contributions. Osman (2002:24) adds that when organisations try to address gender-based inequality in their development programmes in Sudan ' s rural areas they face challenges because the majority of women lack time and have low educational attainments.
In general, the outcomes of various development efforts were influenced by mUltiple factors, particularly civil war and internal conflicts which is considered a key constraint for
development by increasing the burden and suffering of all people, especially women, in the affected areas. At national level there is growing recognition of the need for peace and development; accordingly, all the people of Sudan had followed the negotiation process in 2004 between the government and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) with high expectations and hopes. A male academic at the Institute of Research and Development StudieslUniversity of Khartoum explained:
'People in the north of Sudan supported the government decisions, despite the political and ideological differences between them and the government. After signing the agreement there was a belief that the agreement had favoured the south more than the north, but people contently accepted that. It was seen as a peace price. People were tired from conflicts and suffering' (MAI-SSI, 07/2005/ Khartoum).
Having introduced and discussed the main features that characterised and associated with development policies since independence the following section identifies some of the outcomes that emerged as a result of the peace agreement and are directly related to this study.