LeSSoN 1 — It is important to understand the implementation of a peace agreement not only as the end of violent conflict but also as a strategic window of opportunity to initiate structural, socio-cultural changes such as those illustrated below.
LeSSoN 2 — achieving gender justice takes time. It is a long-term process of social and political transformation, which requires political will, stamina, patience and strong commitment.
Although the Guatemala Peace Accords of 1996 criminalise sexual harassment, gender-based vio-lence is still endemic in the country. In fact, Guatemala has some of the highest numbers and most alarming cases of femicide and domestic violence in the region today (with some commentators pointing out that more people are being killed today than during the war). 19 Advances in fighting GBV and impunity are slow but promising. Women’s organisations are protesting the increases in gender-based violence, demanding gender justice and an end to impunity (Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung
& Scheub 2012, pp. 73-76). There are success stories, like that involving Rios Montt, a former general who, along with three other former generals, has been indicted for genocide and crimes against humanity (2012a, p. 14).
19 For more information, see the Armed Violence Map and its different indicators on the website for the Geneva Declaration on Armed Violence and Development:
www.genevadeclaration.org/measurability/monitoring-armed-violence/armed-violence-map.html.
example from german development cooperation GIZ’s German civil Peace Service working in Guatemala through different local partner organisations offered dialogues with men about masculinity and machismo in the context of pre-existing gender roles, stereotypes and gender-based violence. 20
20 See the German-language fact sheet Gender im ZFD. Gleichstellung der Geschlechter und Stärkung derRolle der Frau, (no date) and, in particular, the section Guatemala. Gender im ZFD.
LeSSoN 3 — Having a strategic look at the themes of the peace agreements and identifying ‘strate-gic handles’ for women’s participation.
Women’s peace organisations should be supported to strategically approach negotiation topics. The issue of GBV, for example, should be clearly raised and addressed as a challenge to public security, rather than as a “women’s issue” (GIZ 2012, p. 8).
The learning from the Philippine peace process emphasises the importance of identifying ‘strategic handles’ or catalysts that act as key points of reference when implementing agreements. The stra-tegic handle ‘meaningful political participation of women’ is now widely used by local women and peace groups in the creation of institutions, bodies and mechanisms.
LeSSoN 4 — access to information is key to women’s participation in the post-peace-agreement phase.
Women’s access to information is a crucial prerequisite for their participation. It is therefore important to translate agreements and relevant documents into languages commonly spoken in the countries in question (for example, into indigenous languages). It is also important to provide information in these languages on the implications of this translated material for women’s rights and participation.
LeSSoN 5 — Gender-sensitive disarmament, demobilisation and Reintegration (ddR) processes and programmes are key opportunities for transforming gender relations.
In the conflicts mentioned above, both women and men performed numerous combat, combat support, and non combat roles. Their contributions are as vital to the action of fighting as that of the actual combatants, thus blurring the critical line between combat and non-combat functions. In cases where women were not active combatants, they still occupied regular and irregular functions, such as domestics, ‘bush wives’, health workers and ‘sex slaves’.
DDR programmes should always assume that women and girls are present in armed forces and groups, although they generally remain less visible. In transitions from combat to community, gender-blind DDR programmes run the risk of reinforcing gender inequalities. Successful DDR pro-grammes take into account the different roles and vulnerabilities of women and men and facilitate the transformation of gender stereotypes. Effective DDR programmes support men to find new forms of non-violent and non-aggressive masculinity and support women to claim their rights to land, housing and education as female heads of households. DDR programmes are effective in trans-forming gender relations when the deep psycho-social needs of female and male ex-combatants are taken into account. For example, many male ex-combatants abuse drugs and alcohol and commit violence against themselves or others in the form of domestic violence or male rape. Many female ex-combatants are stigmatised and ostracised by the wider community for being ‘bad girls’, and women who have been raped or become infected with HIV face even higher levels of discrimination.
LeSSoN 6 — Transforming aggressive, militarised masculinity is vital for ensuring successful socio-cultural change processes.
Media and advertising campaigns in local dialects can play a pivotal role in portraying alternative non-military/non-violent social roles for men that, slowly but surely, break long-held and deep-rooted gender stereotypes. In Zimbabwe, the Padare Men’s Forum on Gender adopts the traditional Zimbabwean ‘Padare’ decision-making institution for elderly, high-ranking men, and uses it to invite men to discuss gender issues. The idea is to foster discussions that critique and challenge patriarchal thinking. The organisation promotes non-violent behaviour in both the public and private domains (Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung & Scheub 2012, pp. 87-92 and 83-86).
LeSSoN 7 — Concrete proposals and steps on how to ensure gender-sensitive follow-up mecha-nisms must be developed during the negotiation process.
Institutions and mechanisms for implementing and monitoring peace agreements are needed at the local and national levels. The learning from all the above-mentioned peace processes emphasises the real need and political necessity of having mechanisms in place to implement the gender-sensitive provisions of agreements or demands for gender equality.
Additionally, national action plans (NAPs) on UNSCR 1325 constitute important policy frameworks and points of reference for national policy. At the same time, programmes and activities based on NAPs are required to address the real and specific needs and interests of local women and men on the ground. Translations of NAPs into local vernaculars can increase local buy-in, helping to mo-bilise women’s organisations and the wider community to implement the key demands for gender equality in the local context and setting (GIZ 2012a, p. 14).
LeSSoN 8 — ‘National machineries’ for gender equality, such as ministries for women’s affairs, struggle to implement the gender-sensitive provisions of agreements.
The reasons these ‘national machineries’ often fail to deliver are usually manifold: they often enjoy little status and/or have little political power; they are poorly funded; they are insufficiently aware of the importance of working with men as allies; and many ministries are forced to wear several hats, such as taking charge of family and children’s affairs alongside the remit for women.
LeSSoN 9 — Introducing quotas sends a powerful and important political signal to political decision-makers, women and the wider community.
Introducing quotas for women can give a strong voice to local women, political elites and decision-making bodies in the post-settlement phase. It is still too early to be able to assess and know the long-term effects of quotas introduced during or after peace negotiations in changing in gender roles and socio-political power inequalities in post-war transformation processes (Buchanan et al.
2012, pp. 36-37). It is crucial to note that quotas do not replace a long-term strategy on social justice and equality and must always be adapted to the specific cultural and socio-economic situation at hand and to the levels of gender inequality. Otherwise, enforcing quotas when gendered structures are highly rigid and deep-rooted can do more harm than good and provoke a serious backlash against women, women’s participation and rights. Keeping the socio-cultural context in mind is es-sential, so it is important to work with men as allies and change agents, and to listen to local gender and women’s activists, gender experts and the specific needs and interests of local women and men.
ReCoMMeNdaTIoN 1 — Support newly set up or existing ‘national machineries’ for women’s empowerment or gender equality.
This can involve help with drafting new laws, monitoring existing laws or implementing legislation on women’s rights.
ReCoMMeNdaTIoN 2 — Support local women’s and peace organisations with their monitoring of the gender-sensitive implementation of peace agreements and lobby for the implementation of demands for gender equality.
ReCoMMeNdaTIoN 3 — allocate and earmark funds and budget lines for implementing the gender-specific provisions and gender-specific monitoring of agreements.
Set up special funds for women and local women's organisations and make sure that financial re-sources are kept in women’s hands.
ReCoMMeNdaTIoN 4 — Identify potential obstacles to the successful implementation of peace agreements for women.
For example, run scenario-building workshops or, if needed, offer or develop tailor-made capacity building.
ReCoMMeNdaTIoN 5 — offer capacity building for local women and men on human rights, with a particular focus on women’s and men’s rights to land, participation and education.
Special attention should be given to: widows; female refugees/internally displaced persons; female and male ex-combatants; female and male survivors of GBV; homosexual women and men; and members of ethnic, sexual and other minorities. The special focus should ensure that these women and men do not suffer ‘double discrimination’ by being excluded from formal and informal peace-building processes and activities.