Liberalization, Democratization and Ethnicity

As Tanzania was moving towards political and economic liberalization, president Mwinyi ordered a commission under Chief Justice Francis Nyalali to investigate the precondition for a transition towards multiparty democracy (see chapter 4). In the Nyalali commission report on the introduction of multiparty democracy in Tanzania in 1992, 77 % of the respondents interviewed had been in favor of retaining the one-party system (Nyalali Commission, 1992, cited in Liviga 2009). Interestingly, out of the reasons cited for rejecting reform, a fear that multi-party democracy will “divide people into irreconcilable groups” was one of the most central factors (Chaligha et al 2002). Mirroring the fear that multipartyism may lead to inter-group conflict, the new Political Parties Act laid out strict requirements for political parties to register, which are still in effect. First, according to the requirements, parties can only contest elections if they manage to obtain a minimum of 200 registered members in 8 out of the 20 mainland regions and on both Pemba and Zanzibar. Second, and more importantly, parties were prohibited to “aim to further the interest of” any religious, ethnic or racial group or “only a specific area” in Tanzania (Political Parties Act, Tanzania 2002). In addition, the Tanzanian Electoral Code of Conduct further stipulates that campaign meetings are to be held in Swahili – an interpreter is to be used where Swahili is not understood – and meetings cannot discriminate on the basis of tribe, religion or ethnic group (Tanzania Electoral Code of Conduct, 2010). While some, as Nyang’oro (2004), see the guidelines as a “concerted effort by the government to further the nationalist project of Julius Nyerere” (Nyang’oro 2004, p. 43); others have seen them, at least in part, as attempts to complicate the registration procedure (see Erdmann, 2002, p. 14; Chaligha & Mmuya 1994, pp. 96-7). Whatever the case, the possibilities for political parties to secure a following on ethnic or religious basis has been severely curtailed by the formal

electoral rules in Tanzania from the very outset of multiparty politics (see Moroff, 2010 for an assessment of the effectiveness of ethnic party regulation in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda).

6.6.1.2 Opposition Parties, Ethnicity and Regionalism

New political parties began to emerge at a quick pace and the political leaders of the emerging opposition parties were either erstwhile independence period TANU loyalists that had fallen out with the government, like Oscar Kambona or Chief Fundikira; or “young urban professionals” who questioned the economic management of the country by CCM (Chege, 1994, p. 62). Some, like Edwin Mtei of Chadema were both former TANU-actives and severe critics of the governments economic policies. In any case, most of the new parties were “organized from above” rather than from the grassroots (Chaligha et al, p. 5; Chaligha & Mmuya 1994). Despite the strict registration rules, Chaligha & Mmuya argue that some of the newly formed political parties seemed to exhibit some ethnic or regional bias, focusing their mobilization efforts on only a few regions of the country (Chaligha & Mmuya, 1994). Indeed, the three major parties that emerged at the time and still contest elections today – Chadema, NCCR-Maguezi and CUF – all had regional strongholds, as did some of the smaller parties, like UMD and UDP (see Whitehead 2009, p. 265-69; Erdmann 2002)

Furthermore, in an analysis of ethnicity in 1995 elections, Charles Gasarasi (1997) found numerous instances of ethnic campaigning and political rhetoric in the post-election regional monitoring reports from across the country. These were mainly confined to local level campaigning or even intra-party candidate nomination, where candidates commonly sought to discredit competitors on the basis of ethnicity. Among other examples, Gasarasi found an instance in Arusha where NCCRs Maasai candidate had questioned the right of CCM:s candidate (incidentally future prime minister Edward Lowassa) to run for office, considering his Meru background in the Maasai constituency. (Gasarasi 1997, pp. 249-253) Also in Mmuya & Chaligha there are reports on the use of vernaculars by CCM candidates to discredit opposition candidates who originated from outside their regions of contest (Mmuya & Chaligha, 1994). Ethnicity did thus apparently play a role in the first multiparty elections, in particular in local level skirmishes, but this did not necessarily affect national level political contestation. Where it did, Whitehead argues that ethnicity was simply to ”fragmented and lacking in saliency” to build a political basis that could have challenged CCM (Whitehead, 2009, p. 265). However, it is quite questionable to what extent the political parties that emerged actually based their support on ethnicity in the form of ethnic group identity. This point will be made with

reference to UDP and NCCR-M in the remainder of the chapter, and with respect to Chadema in chapter 7, but also as for the other parties evidence of ethnic mobilization is scant.

To be sure, there were small and short-lived parties such as UMD that may have had an ethnic basis: Its first chair, Chief Fundikira, was a hereditary chief of Unyanyembe in Unyamwezi, and thus received some support among the Wasukuma and Wanyamwezi (Chege pp. 53; 62; Barkan pp. 32-33). However, the party’s support has always been marginal, and the party never managed to appeal to any substantial part of the Sukuma or Nyamwezi. CUF has long been seen as a Zanzibar- based party (e.g. Gasarasi, 1997) and has secured most of its following on the islands and along the coast of the mainland, as well as in some of the urban centers of the country. The party has long been accused of having a religious bias in favor of Muslims, accusations that were particularly vocal when the party had emerged as the largest competitor to CCM. (Dr. Makulilo, personal communication) While it might be true that CUF’s support has been somewhat geared towards Muslim-dominated areas, it can hardly be described as a religious party, which is discussed also in chapter 9. CUF actives also vehemently denied the party’s alleged religious bias in my interviews, and assured that the party had sought national appeal even at its height of popularity (e.g. P 14; P 20). In the first multiparty elections of 1995, NCCR-M was by far the most popular opposition party in both presidential and parliamentary elections. NCCR-M’s and and its chairman Augustine Mrema’s support with regard to regional or ethnic structure will therefore be dealt next, alongside the example of UDP’s John Cheyo, which will work to elicit the complex connection between ethnicity and politics in Tanzania.