they were convinced that thoy had the right set of priorities, in aiming their facility primarily at disaffected, unemployed youth. They were the best financed of the ethnic associations, and because of this were able to operate with a high degree of consistency and actual development between their programmes and their philosophy. As a further aspect of this, they were ideologically distinct from the other associations, in that a priority
for them was autonomy. They wanted as much control over their own
associations as possible, and had a better developed political analysis than the other associations to support this. Their desire for militancy arose out of the logic of their political analysis and its Rastafarian commitment, and was positive. The other associations wish to have control over their affairs,
via a community association, represented a fear of not being strong onough to resist pressures to adapt their programme in accord with the wishes of funding bodies via local government officors, for oxample.
Albert Villa / Inkworks wore different from tho othor associations on the basis also, that their momborship and support base was comprisod mainly of British born young mon, with a strong commit'mont to working out a viable
'Black British' idontity, which involved paradoxically to somo oxtont, 143
scoking roots in an African tradition rathor than in tho Wost Indian past of thoir paronts. Tho pardox in so doing is moro apparent than real however when it is considered that for many of tho mombors of those associations, thoy were attempting to develop, in Campbells' (1980) terms a 'culture of resistance', which as Miles (1978) suggests is not a 'pure' form of
Rastafarianism, but a synthesized version relevant to tho distinct needs of Black British youth, but one in which "Rastafari culture remains an indelible link between the resistance of the maroons, the Pan Africanist appeal of Marcus Garvey, the nationalist and historical analysis of Walter Rodney and the defiance of reggae" (Campbell, 1980 : 2). The pursuit of African culture in the vigorous form apparent at the Inkworks speaks directly of this need to identify not with a 'slave culture* as many of the first generation immigrants - these boys parents, were held to do, but with a positive African culture.
The other associations in opposition to Albert Villa / Inkworks over the St Barnabas issue drew their support from first generation migrants with
strong Christian backgrounds and a strong work ethnic, for whom the Rastafarian ethos was anathema. It should be pointed out however, that the split between Albert Villa / Inkworks and the other associations predated the activity over St Barnabas and did not arise directly out of it. What it did, was to throw into sharp relief, these existing conflicts.
While the conflict with Albert Villa had arisen over a period of time, as this organization reworkod its associational structure and management stylo to accommodate a more separatist, and black community rather than
'multi racial' orientation, the conflict with tho Inkworks seoms to have dated mainly from the incidont in which the Inkworks had made it evident that it was no longer a multi racial association, but a black cultural centre which was moro interested in making explicit the differences between it and tho whlto community. This incidont, as noted in chapter three, was tho charging of tho Association by tho Environmental Iloalth Dopartmont with 'nolso pollution' arising out of drumming during Rastafarian sorvicos.
'llio Environmental lloaltli Department had boon alortod to this as a problem, and a complaint had boon laid via a petition from residents of the street in which the centre was located, and surrounding streets. Ironically, the petition was written out on the back of a publicity loaflot the previous director had published arguing for the value of tho centre as a total
community resource. Copies wore also sent to the Bristol Evening Post and the local M.P., which served to escalate the issue beyond being a purely local dispute.
At the time that a warning was issued by the Environmental Health Department, the management committee of the Association held a ’tactical* meeting at which it was decided that there was no basis to the complaints, and that they were motivated by racism. A Rastafarian spokesman suggested that the Housing Department be approached to rehouse the complainants, but this was rejected by the committee. Faced with alternative suggestions to either attempt a reconciliation with the white neighbours, or to maximize the events'conflict potential, the latter approach was adopted, and it was resolved to fight the issue in court and discredit the witnesses by alleging that they were acting from racist motives only. The opportunity had been taken to emphasise the distinctiveness and separativeness of the Association and its membership, and to reject the 'multi racialism' which was part of tho philosophy, if not the practice, of all of the West Indian associations other than Albert Villa. This move was seen therefore as not just a rejection of whites, and an affirmation of a separate identity from them, but a
rejection of moderate Christian West Indians as well.
This was reflected in tho restructuring of the management committees of Albert Villa and the Inkworks that occurred after this event in particular, but which had boon in progress since oarly 1977. During this timo, NCGSA movod tliolr temporary office from the Inkworks to another temporary base providod by tho Churches Housing Association, on whoso management committoo tho NCGSA was roprosontod, and othor 'moderate' organizations stopped using
tho Inkworks as a vonuo for mootings. It increasingly became identified with a leftist * or militant oriontation generally, as it offerod facilities to groups such as 'Asian women against racism', and tho 'Campaign against racist laws'. Tho exporionco of management within Albert Villa and Inkworks sot thorn apart from tho other associations, as they had consciously changed their management structures to cope with changes in orientation and had thereby demonstrated a degree of control over their own functioning that the other associations had not had a chance to demonstrate.
The differences between the two groups of associations over the use of St Barnabas can be traced to a situation existing prior to St Barnabas becoming an issue, in which the associations had acted in terms of ethnic interest, but which had led them to adopt very different stances. Albert Villa /Inkworks had combined to articulate a distinctive ethnic identity, which required for its proper development that the organizations in terms of both structure and function emphasise their distinctiveness, and clearly identify themselves as 'black' organizations with an orientation to youth, rather than as multi racial associations with a broad 'communal' appeal. They may be characterized as operating from a stance informed, in McKay
and Lewins (1978) terms, by ethnic consciousness rather than ethnic awareness. This is not to say that the other associations did not, over this issue affirm an ethnic interest, but that it was of a qualitatively different sort from that articulated by Albert Vi11a/Inkworks. The St Barnabas issue as pursued by Albert Villa/Inkworks has some features in common with NCGSA's activities in the St Pauls Community Workers Group, as it again involved translating an environmental issue, in this case a potential community resource, into a matter of othnic interost, but as suggested, it took this a stage furthor in tho devolopmont of a corporate interost based on defining a situation from an othnic group point of view.
Tho final issuo that ought to be notod in this analysis of tho extont to which associations which charactorizod thomsolvos as 'communal' succood
It has already been suggested that WIPFA's concerns with education woro motivated partly by a concorn with tho high rates of black youth unemployment, and the relevance of education to this condition. In addition, tho
St Barnabas issue clearly illustrates that youth unemployment informs both the philosophies and practices of the Albert Villa/Inkworks and NCGSA, in very different ways, which leads to very different approaches to its
incorporation as an othnic issue. St Barnabas showed how it can be important as an issue of ethnic interest for both, but that it has a fundamentally different meaning for these groups, as reflected in the response made to it.
■For Albert Villa/Inkworks, voluntary unemployment - a refusal to do 'shit work' or 'slave labour' is a logical outcome of their analysis of the place of blacks in British society, and cultural learning is offered as a more relevant pursuit, and one which enhances the formation of a positive black identity. For NCGSA, black youth unemployment needed to be countered by a multi faceted approach including community education, to change attitudes of discriminating employers, and training workshops to enable black youths to acquire marketable industrial and commercial skills.
Caribbean Community Enterprise is the other main communal association to have defined the issue of black youth unemployment as a matter of ethnic interest, but this was not a simple identification of interest, and the changes in its status as an ethnic interest issue reflects broader features of orientation of the Association.
As noted in the provious chapter, tho Trinity Project, as tho primary programatic expression of the Caribbean Community Qitorpriso association, had shifted priorities by July 1977 from a primary c o n c o m with 'arts and culture' to unemployment, with a declarod aim of providing workshop facilities for training in industrial and craft skills. This c o n c o m with unoinploymont was a concorn with black and white unemployment howovor, and at that timo was in pursuing policios roprosontativo of ’othnic intorost' as opposed to a moro limited sectional intorost, is that of unemployment.
consistent with tho aim of tho Projoct, as oxprossod by tho Director, to bo "15 per cont black and 15 por cont white in the use of tho Projoct, to make tho point that is a multi racial contro, and that blacks can do things for whites, and not always tho other way around."
Having affirmed over tho next couple of years that youth unemployment was the main problem that they should address themselves to, the Trinity
Project developed a similar stance to NCGSA and WIPFA in suggesting that compensatory education rather than direct training in industrial skills may bo the answer to the problem. With the other two associations, this approach can be seen to be a consistent theme and approach. For the Caribbean Community Enterprise however, it represented a shift in orientation, to their previous stance, and this needs to be explained. Much of this explanation is provided by an examination of factors external to the Trinity Project rather than by reference to such internal factors as change in philosophy. The Trinity Project saw its catchment area as wider than just St Pauls, and they
specifically hoped to attract trainees to their workshop from other areas of West Indian and Asian settlement - Easton, Barton Hill, St George, Bedminster.
At the same time as the Project was establishing itself in the Trinity Church at the edge of this catchment area, another scheme, Bristol Youth Workshops Limited, was established in the same area, under the Job Creation Scheme, to provide exactly the sort of low level industrial training that
the Trinity Project aimod for. With the introduction of the Youth Opportunities Programme the Workshop increased its intake to about 40 young people, an
increasing numbor of whom wore West Indian. The furthor education element of tho programmo was provided by tho University Sottloment, which was itsolf providing Y.O.P. places for trainees, many of whom woro West Indian. In 1979, an Urban Aid grant was approved for BYW Ltd., and tho Urban Aid Unit ostablishod at tho University Sottlomont to consolidate further education, and provido caroors counselling. One of tho most notablo characteristics of tho programmo was that although tho othnic background of
consistent with tlio aim of tho Projoct, as oxpressod by tho Director, to bo "15 per cont black anti 15 por cont white in tho uso of tho Project, to make tho point that is a multi racial contro, and that blacks can do things for whites, and not always tho othor way around."
Having affirmed over tho noxt couple of years that youth unemployment was the main problem that they should address themselves to, the Trinity Project developed a similar stance to NCGSA and WIPFA in suggesting that compensatory education rather than direct training in industrial skills may be the answer to the problem. With the other two associations, this approach can be seen to be a consistent theme and approach. For the Caribbean Community Enterprise however, it represented a shift in orientation, to their previous stance, and this needs to be explained. Much of this explanation is provided by an examination of factors external to the Trinity Project rather than by reference to such internal factors as change in philosophy. The Trinity Project saw its catchment area as wider than just St Pauls, and they
specifically hoped to attract trainees to their workshop from other areas of West Indian and Asian settlement - Easton, Barton Hill, St George, Bedminster.
At the same time as the Project was establishing itself in the Trinity Church at the edge of this catchment area, another scheme, Bristol Youth Workshops Limited, was established in the same area, under the Job Creation Scheme, to provide exactly the sort of low level industrial training that
the Trinity Project aimod for. With the introduction of the Youth Opportunities Programme the Workshop increased its intake to about 40 young people, an
increasing number of whom wore West Indian. The further education element of the programme was provided by tho University Sottloment, which was itself providing Y.O.P. places for trainees, many of whom woro West Indian. In 1979, an Urban Aid grant was approved for BYW Ltd., and tho Urban Aid Unit ostablishod at tho University Sottlomont to consolidate further education, and provido caroors counselling. Ono of tho most notablo characteristics of tho programme was that although tho othnic background of
consistent with tlio aim of tho Projoct, as oxpressod by tho Director, to bo "15 por cont black and 15 por cont white in tho uso of tho Projoct, to make tho point that is a multi racial contro, and that blacks can do things for whites, and not always tho othor way around."
Having affirmed over tho noxt couple of years that youth unemployment was the main problem that they should address themselves to, the Trinity
Project developed a similar stance to NCGSA and WIPFA in suggesting that compensatory education rather than direct training in industrial skills may be the answer to the problem. With the other two associations, this approach can be seen to be a consistent theme and approach. For the Caribbean Community Enterprise however, it represented a shift in orientation, to their previous stance, and this needs to be explained. Much of this explanation is provided by an examination of factors external to the Trinity Project rather than by reference to such internal factors as change in philosophy. The Trinity Project saw its catchment area as wider than just St Pauls, and they
specifically hoped to attract trainees to their workshop from other areas of West Indian and Asian settlement - Easton, Barton Hill, St George, Bedminster.
At the same time as the Project was establishing itself in the Trinity Church at the edge of this catchment area, another scheme, Bristol Youth Workshops Limited, was established in the same area, under the Job Creation Scheme, to provide exactly the sort of low level industrial training that
the Trinity Project aimod for. With the introduction of the Youth Opportunities Programme the Workshop increased its intake to about 40 young people, an
increasing number of whom wore West Indian. The further oducation element of tho programmo was provided by tho University Sottloment, which was itself providing Y.O.P. places for trainees, many of whom woro West Indian. In 1979, an Urban Aid grant was approved for BYW Ltd., and tho Urban Aid Unit ostablishod at tho University Sottlomont to consolidate further oducation, and provido caroors counselling. Ono of tho most notable characteristics of tho programmo was that although tho othnic background of
tho trainoos had remained for tho first throo years at about 50 per cent Wost Indian origin and 50 por cent whito, by mid 1980, tho ratio was 75 per cent Wost Indian and 25 por cont whito, and tho BYW could "claim to bo one of tho major single providers of Youth Opportunities Programme places for black youngsters in the inner city area of Bristol" (Home Affairs Committee minutes, 1980 : 141)
Again at this time the Trinity Project was deprived of translating the major interest that they had expressed in boat building and in providing nautical skills for trainees into a viable programme, by the creation of the NOVA/Avon Trust which was created as an offshoot of the Raising of
School Leaving Age (ROSLA) project in Bristol, to provide a trainee programme in nautical crafts and skills by converting a sailing ship into a training facility. The effect of both of these projects was to provide alternatives to Trinity in the very areas that they had identified as 'theirs', and to draw off Manpower Services Commission funding. This left Trinity with only six Project Based Work Experience places, and these only to undertake renovation of the buildings.
At this point, in May 1980, the Trinity Project needed to generate funds, while at the same time maintaining consistency with their view that youth unemployment was the priority issue at the time. They did this by
redefining unemployment as an ethnic issue primarily, and dropped the 'multi racial' approach to unemployment, or at least the attempt to use this
orientation in the designing of programmes. The main programatic outcome of this redefinition of unemployment as an ethnic issue was the move into the compensatory education area, and the creation of 'Projoct Hammerhead: in placo of riots'. Undor this schomo, tho Projoct was to undertake in April 1981, a fact-finding mission to Guyana to nogotiato with tho Government, tho feasibility of establishing a Now Action Corps - a Black British trainod