Local perception of food security

A clear understanding of how local folks perceive their situation is necessary for clarity of targets and effectiveness of means to achieve such. The current Philippine agriculture development policy has been pushing for greater local empowerment and participation in the planning and implementation of programs. Then, it is even more imperative that policies and related strategies are ground-based. How locals perceive their situation could inform global science and policy.

What makes people food insecure? Further, do women and men, or different age groups explain food security differently? If they do, does it matter? Which factors or criteria? As discussed in Chapter 3, a number of Philippine studies have dealt with the gendered analysis of demographic factors, livelihoods, time allocation, and nutrient adequacy. Evidence of the likelihood of positive impact of mother’s home and garden time, her education and income contribution to household nutrient adequacy particularly on children is common, but the evidence is mixed with other factors such as age,

education, nutrient knowledge, and income types, among others (Popkin, 1975; Quisumbing, 1987; Garcia, 1990; Balatibat, 2004). In this study, the villagers were reflective in accounting for economic, socio-demographic, socio-psychological and religious factors that affect household food security.

This section summarizes the local perceptions, self-ratings and descriptions on food security and food consumption patterns that were generated through ten focused group discussions which were stratified by sex (4 FGDs) and age groupings (6 FGDs) (see FGD guide, Appendix 2).

Over-all, it was quite difficult to translate “food security” in local terms so that the villagers’ perceptions could be elicited. Some brainstorming was necessary to get them to describe sets of situations rather than translate, and have them express themselves in their own terms. In the end, participants in both villages came up with describing the state of food security in three degrees translated here in italics first in Waray-waray, then in Cebuano. The

“best” condition translated as food secure or “permanente gikukuhaan; walay problema sa pagkaon” literally means “always sure and no problem in accessing and having food”. The lesser condition, food insufficient or “may kakulangan ha/sa pagkaon” (same phrase for both) means the “presence of inadequacies for various reasons”. The worst condition, marginally food secure or “duro hin lisud ang pagkaon; kapos, dako og kakulangan sa pagkaon” literally means a “problematic food situation with serious inadequacies”. Food security, as the villagers perceived it in these three levels, is summarized in Table 6.9. Their meanings were expressed in terms of indicators of wealth and assets, characteristic behaviour, attribute or attitude of people, or factors contributing to some food situation. They argued that no single factor or condition but a mixture of traits, factors and conditions lead to different levels of food (in)security. For example, a household may have a better income but if the budget is not managed well, or if at least one of the spouses is vicious, then the food security situation is at risk. On the whole, the most obvious measure of food security is associated with that of sufficiency or quantity/frequency of having food. The adequacy or quality side of food, though mentioned by some, was not quite obviously expressed. The phrase

“may kakulangan” refers to both meanings of insufficiency and inadequacy.

Some did have an inkling about quality of food as indicating adequacy with the expression ”dili himsog”, literally “not strong”, which means less healthy, and more or less equivalent to indicating food inadequacy. But this was of less consensual clarity. The tables of perceptions are summarized as articulated from the FGDs. They represent the conditions and description of what is, or what causes, food (in)security), among households in the study villages.

In Alegre, more than in Plaridel, men are aware of such factors as land inheritance, old age pension for security, non-farm sources of income such as the spouse’s wage employment, children’s remittances and business to hedge against farm failures and for other non-food expenditures, the importance of managing well the resources, and small family size. Men and women all agree in the importance of sufficient regular incomes, sufficient assets such as

coconut and/or rice lands for food and cash, and such personal attributes as frugality, non-viciousness, high work motivation, and self-reliance.

The more mature villagers of both sexes (35-50 and >50 age groups) expressed the importance of cooperation among family members, good management, on-farm diversification such as backyard raising of livestock, work abroad or other places in the country, old age pension as contributory factors to a more sustainable food secure situation. The role of mixed and regular incomes and of remittances from abroad came in very strongly.

Children who worked abroad or who got married to foreigners tended to generate more assets for the household. It is not surprising that villagers are quick to point to the big houses contributed by children and allowances as real indicators of wealth, and therefore, food security. Education of children at least to a level where they can be gainfully employed is also held as an important factor for economic mobility through non-farm work outside the village. The villagers consider farming as a means just to get by. Land needs to be cultivated as parents’ legacy for food and some cash, but is not really for food security because of the precarious farming situation.

The main reasons that bring about food insecurity are similar across age groups and gender. Ranked by the villagers by order of significance, these included low and insufficient income from farming because of high inputs, low yields, low farm product prices, yet high cost of living; low income from the alternative wage work; natural calamities especially typhoons and floods;

low level of education which means low skills and low paying jobs; and relatively bigger household size. It was quite observable in the discussions that while men and women felt relatively free to express themselves, the women tended to be more articulate and focused on the micro-related reasons, while the men were more concerned with macro-level issues like the state of the national economy and corruption as affecting the local economy, and thus, the livelihoods and incomes of people.

In Plaridel, men were also more cognizant of bigger land inheritance, remittances especially from abroad, family size, cooperation, work motivation, and frugality than in Alegre. They were also more sensitive to the fragility of farmland by location, due to their experiences of distinctly observed land degradation especially in the uplands. The younger villagers (<35 years) tended to assess what they start with. Those whose parents could provide capital or had established businesses that children can take part of, or children trained well in work and industry started off as relatively stable in their respective households. It is also interesting to note that they singled out as critical the maturity level at marriage. Home gardening was important to them especially when they have little to subsist on. Many young couples who got married at a very young age (<20 years old) have less skills and experience, and, thus, are less likely to get good work and be emotionally stable. Many have developed over-dependence on parents, are less stable in character and easily succumb to vices like gambling and drinking. This could become a pattern handed down to the children. A reason for this is probably that Plaridel has more gambling opportunities than Alegre with its own source of financing.

158 nderstanding the Research Area Table 6.8 Summary of factors perceived to be related to food security in Alegre and Plaridel, classified as common and

village-specific perceptions Food secure

(permanente gikukuhaan) Food insufficient/inadequate

(may kakulangan ha pagkaon) Marginally food secure (chronic) (duro hin lisod ang pagkaon) Common

Stable, sufficient, diverse income (esp.

off-farm, non-farm)

Remittances of children, especially from abroad

Better harvest in rice farms

Bigger cultivated farmlands (rice, coconut, abaca)

Just enough good relationship between husband and wife

Incomes may be better but vicious spouse (gambling, drinking)

Unstable, low income both spouses

Large family, cannot send children to school Vicious (both, or especially husband) Less than usual remittance from children Less in budget management and family planning

Backyard animal raising for food/income

Less farm work, no work animal Once a day full meal

Young children not schooling, already working

More sickness cases, healthy problems interfering with work

No land resources

Lacking in the basics (food, clothing, shelter) Less or no education and skills

Less trusting in God

Interestingly, it also became evident that young mothers had difficulty to learn skills or even attend “opportunity” meetings as they had to cope with the early demands of motherhood and other domestic chores. To attend the FGD sessions, they had to bring their young children with the field assistants to tend to them.

The more mature villagers tended to single out such factors as industry and ambition, multi-activity of households, double-income earning by both spouses either as permanent wage employment, or abroad. The elder ones (>50 years) pointed out that good education of children assured them of better work opportunities and income as professionals. A good character based on Christian values contributed to harmonious relationships within the family, cooperation, and non-viciousness. All these lead to better economic opportunities, better and assured incomes. On the whole, the major reason causing food insecurity is unstable and low income which, according to the middle-age and older villagers (35-50 and >50 years) is largely caused by natural calamities over the years, and the resulting low productivity of infertile farmlands.

Food (in)security in Plaridel was attributed to irregular and low incomes both from farming and local non-farming work, lack of resources and opportunities to improve farming and engage in other productive activities, vulnerability of many farmlands to wind and water damages, and big family size. Multiple sources of income and the contribution of remittances from children or spouse abroad, and a mix of personal attributes that contribute to harmony in the management of resources and relationships came strongly across age groups and gender.

In Alegre, the food security self-rating of own household and the village by both males and females tended to be that of the second level, that is, some food insufficiency/inadequacy. Twenty-five percent of the females said though that their households were marginally food secure (or chronically food insecure). In Plaridel, both males and females indicated that their households tended to be food secure, with some cases of food insecurity of the second and third degree. Instead of rating the village as a whole, they found it easier to rate by purok as Plaridel is a big village. The centrally located purok 3 was rated food secure. Here are the households with relatively stable income, more into business, and many household-based crafts makers. The other puroks are 50-50, while Purok 4 had more cases of food insecure households. Purok 6 was the worst with more food insecure and marginally food secure households because of gambling (i.e. including the women), and many households did not have stable sources of income. In both villages, there was no difference in self-ratings attributable to sex or gender. Caution needs to be taken especially with self-ratings of own households as those who voluntarily participated in the FGDs could be relatively better off households despite some cases of inadequacies. But village ratings could reflect some meaning and reality no matter how rough the distinctions may be, as the results of the formal survey would show.

The villagers also accounted for what they considered as threats to food security. In Alegre, these included low farm incomes, flooding, infertility of soil, inappropriate farm techniques, unstable market, fluctuating farm prices, lack of capital, limited off-farm and non-farm opportunities, low pay; bad debts in the case of small business, very limited market for food crops, and wasteful spending with remittances. Villagers from Plaridel included threats like low farm incomes, low off-farm wages, seasonal/irregular non-farm work, irregular buyers and orders of crafts, bad weather and infertile, eroded farm lands.

Food security is clearly perceived from the food access and availability angles, and less from the adequacy aspect. Access is mainly a function of the stability and amount of income which comes from various sources, from non-farm incomes of both or either spouse and remittances of children working or living abroad or other places contribute a great part. But stable and adequate incomes do not suffice. As the local folk said, food security is sustained because of the households’ ability to manage their resources (i.e. land, labour, and finance) well, are well motivated, industrious and frugal, with members cooperating and harmoniously relating to each other. The gender dimension is clearly important in the recognition of the role of the wife and mother in home management and in harmonious relationship as contributing critically to food security. Children contribute to food security, especially by their remittances from work abroad or in urban areas. In fact, the farm labour contribution of children was not mentioned as contributing to food security but that they are educated to be able to work with good pay. Importantly, the local people have realized that not being able to manage family size can lead to difficulties in managing resources and inability to meet basic needs including the education of children. They said further that the kinship-based support system, if taken to excess, can make people over dependent, lazy and unmotivated to work, and thus can lead to unstable livelihoods, unproductive farms, disharmonious relationships, and eventually, food insecurity. Very strongly they said that vices such as gambling and drinking often make households unable to meet and sustain their food and nutrient needs even among households with relatively better incomes.