MALDI-MS and MALDI-MSI method optimisation

In the schema, it is assumed that there is a null FOC and INTER operators dominating the embedded clause. This assumption stems from the fact that there is evidence in the language that both the embedded and the matrix clause can be clause typed by the LT Q-morpheme.

b. Kèdụ ebe <ebee> gba-ra ọkụ ùnyaahù ? which place where burn-PST fire yesterday

‘Where did fire burn yesterday?’

(263) a. Ònye bịà-rà?

who come-PST

‘Who came?’

b. Kèdụ onye <onye> bịa-ra?

which person who come-PST

‘Who came?’

(264) a. I ̀ jè-rè èbee?

2SG go-PST where

‘Where did you go to?’

b. Kèdụ ebe ị jè-rè <ebee>?

which place 2SG go-PST where

‘Where did you go to?’

(265) a. ị nà è-me gịnị?

2SG PROG PART-do what

‘What are you doing?

b. Kèdụ ihe ị nà è-me <gịnị>?

which thing 2SG PROG PART-do what

‘What are you doing?

(266) a. Ike o ̀ nwu ̀-ru ̀? mgbe ole?

I. INTER die-PST When

‘When did Ike die?’

b. Kèdụ m̀gbè Ike nwu ̀-ru ̀ <mgbe ole>

What time I. die-PST

‘When did Ike die?’

c. Kedụ/Kedụkwanụ/keekwanụ (ka ị me-re <etu ole>)?

how/ COMP 2SG do-PST how

How do you do?

Data (262) through (266) are instances of in-situ wh-questions with their KI counterparts in Igbo. In (262a & 263a), the external arguments were queried with ebee

‘where’ and onye ‘who’ respectively; while (262b & 263b) are the KI counterparts where the suppletives of the wh-words were attracted to the CP domain. Similarly, in (264a & 265a), the internal arguments were queried with èbee ‘where’ and gịnị ‘what’

respectively; while (264b & 265b) represent their KI counterparts where the wh suppletives ebe ‘place’ and ihe ‘thing’ were attracted to kedụ in the CP domain. In

(266a), the wh-phrase, mgbe ole ‘when’ queries the adjunct while its suppletive, mgbe merges with kedụ to derive the KI counterpart in (266b). Data (266c) is common in informal conversations. In this case, only kedụ may be spelt out for competence and economy. Generally, the data show that KIs are derivable from in-situ wh-constructions. Another notable observation is that when the external argument or the subject is queried with kedụ, as in (262b & 263b), the tone of the verb changes from low to high. This may be attributed to the fact that there is nothing intervening between kedụ and the verb as in (264b, 265b & 266). In other words, adjacency is a factor in the tonal modification.

Aside merging with wh-suppletives or the DP component of Wh-phrases, it was observed that kedụ also attracts other DPs as shown below:

(267) a. Kèdụ ego m (nyè-rè gị <égō>)?

where money 1SG give-PST 2SG money

‘Where is the money I gave/lent you?

b. kèdụ mmā e jì <mma> è-si nrī?

where knife 3IMP take knife PART-cook food

‘Where is the kitchen knife?’

c. kèdụ ụkwụ m gà e-ji <ụkwụ> je ebe ahụ?

Which leg 1SG PROG PART-take leg go place DEM

‘Which leg will I use to visit there’ (literal meaning) d. Kèdụ Ǹkèchi?

Where N.

‘Where is Nkechi?

e. Kedụ akwụkwọ ahu ̀?

Where book DEM

‘Where is the/that book?’

These examples show that it is not only wh suppletives that are attracted by Kedụ in KIs. Other DPs are also potential attractees. Data (267a-c) show that DPs ego ‘money’, mmà ‘knife’ and ụkwụ ‘leg’ moved from their positions in the ʋP to the CP. Observe also that (267b&c) are SVCs while (267d&e) are the radically shortened forms of KI that are not easily re-constructible without paraphrasing. However, they can be regarded as elliptical structures where the only available DP in the construct is attracted

for the derivation to converge. The DPs are believed to bear focus feature which makes them attractable to kedụ.

The nature of kedụ itself is quite interesting considering that it has been analysed in various ways. Mbah (1989) as cited in Mbah (2011) analyses kedụ as having the features [+wh +copular] as shown below:

According to Mbah, kedụ is a basic Igbo free relative having other relative clauses (i.e.

onye ‘person’, ebe ‘place, nke (particulariser), mgbe ‘time’ etc.) as its suppletives.

These features enable it to merge with the wh-relatives just as the copular verb does in cleft constructions. On the other hand, Nwankwegu (2015) characterises kedụ as having the features [+wh, +Foc, +Q]. He schematises it as shown below:

Observe the position of the [wh] and [Foc] features in the schema. The box represents the complement position and the landing site of the DPs. Nwankwegu (2015) explains that during computation, kedụ is selected with a corresponding focus marked wh-phrase for the targeted argument or adjunct. The strong F-feature of kèdụ attracts the internal constituent of the targeted wh-phrase to its complement position instead of its spec since the spec is already filled. In this way, the c-selection requirement of kèdu is satisfied. Although, the two postulations are based on the unitary CP, (265) has an advantage over (264) in that it is represented in terms of X-bar and the F-feature of kèdụ is captured in the diagram. In all, the data presented above lend support to the observations that the elements that merge with kèdụ are the DP components of the wh-phrases since kèdụ on its own has an [+interpretable] wh-feature. However, (267) show that the DPs do not always originate from wh-phrases.

kèdụ

+wh kè

Copula dị/dụ

(268)

(Mbah, 2011: 188)

dụ

kèdụ

+wh kè

Foc (269)

(Nwankwegu, 2015: 180)

More so, data (262) through (266) support Nwankwegu’s characterisation of kèdụ as having only functional value and as a result of which it does not substitute for any argument or adjunct like other wh-phrases. Hence, it is not a wh-proform but only has a wh-feature. Now, it is important to determine how KIs can be expressed in terms of the split CP proposal.

From the data presented and insight from the studies discussed above, it is deducible that kedụ has two heads fused together: kè and dụ̀ ; where kè expresses [Wh] while dụ

expresses [Foc]. Based on the split CP proposal, this study posits that each head projects maximally as schematised below:

In this proposed structure kè and dụ are re-interpreted in terms of X-bar and in line with LCA which suggests S>H>C order in phrases. In the structure, both kè and dụ lack EPP, hence, an item cannot move overtly to occupy their spec positions. The [+Foc]

feature of dụ̀ triggers a DP marked with [+Foc] to internally merge in its complement position and satisfies its c-selection requirement. The kèdụ structure above is then merged at Spec, InterP to yield the structure below.

kèP

Spec kè^I

(270)

dụ

+Foc dụP kè

Wh

+LT dụ^I

DP onye

ebe mgbe

etu ihe ole Spec

The schema above captures the discussion so far. The dụP with F-feature probes for a matching goal in its c-command domain. The DP component of the WhP satisfies this requirement. Hence, they both value the unvalued features. Thus, the c-selection requirement of the dụP is satisfied. Nwankwegu (2015) rightly observes that this movement is not a kind of remnant movement since no copy is left behind. The remnant is deleted from the structure to save the derivation from crashing.⁹⁵ However, this study identifies this kind of movement as satellite movement.. Note that the DP or the wh-suppletive may originate from spec, ʋP if the external argument is queried. In other words, it is the queried item that determines the source of the moved item. These assumptions are further demonstrated below:

95 Nwankwegu (2015) identifies this type of movement, as Wh-DP-launching, a kind of movement analogous to satellite launching, where the rocket (launching vehicle) moves into the space carrying the satellite. In this case, the WhP acts as the launching vehicle, and the DP element as the satellite. There are stages. Along the line, the first stage of the rocket breaks and falls off, and the second and smaller one ignites. The second stage is the Foc-Operator, which takes the satellite to the exact position where it is needed, then falls off too, allowing the satellite to assume its orbit height and position by itself. Since, the DP does not originate solely from WhPs and considering its satellite-like movement, this movement could be identified as a satellite movement.

kèP Spec kè^I (271)

dụ

+Foc dụP Kè

+Wh

+LT dụ^I

DP onye ebe ihe

mgbe etu Spec

Inter^I

ʋ^I

VP ʋP

T^I TP InterP

WhP

<ònye>

èbee gịnị

m̀gbe ole ètu ole V

ʋ DP

<Onye>

T

DP

Inter

Phase

Spell-Out Phase

Spell-Out

In the structure above, the verb je is merged with ebee ‘where’ to form VP satisfying the c-selection requirement of V. ʋ is merged with VP to form ʋ^I satisfying the c-selection requirement of ʋ. The vFs of ʋ triggers the lexical V, je ‘go’ to adjoin to it.

The derived ʋ^I is merged with a DP to derive another ʋ^I. This is to create an escape hatch for the long distance movement of the wh-suppletive. At this stage, the DP ebe

‘place’ is internally merged with ʋ^I to form ʋP, satisfying the EPP feature of ʋ. The structure being a phase, its complement is transferred to the interfaces for interpretation. In furtherance, the LT –rV suffix is merged with the ʋP to form T^I. The verb moves again from ʋ to T to value its T-feature where it is internally merged with the T-affix. T^I is then merged with the SUB DP to form TP satisfying the EPP feature of T. The derived structure is merged with Inter to form Inter^I. At this point the kedụ

structure is computed by merging dụ with ebe ‘place’ to form the dụP, satisfying the c-selection requirement of dụ. Spec, dụP is not projected since it lacks EPP. Rather the structure is merged with kè to derive kèP whose spec is not also projected for lack of EPP. The structure is now merged with Inter^I yielding InterP. It is assumed the LT of Inter percolates unto the kèdụ-phrase for clause typing the structure as interrogative. At this point, the entire structure is transferred to the interfaces for interpretation. The

T jè-rè

DP

<ebe>

VP V

<je>

DP

<I>

Inter^I

ʋ^I ʋP T^I

TP InterP

WhP

<ebee>

ʋ

<je>

DP

I Inter⁰

LT

Phase

Spell-Out

ʋ^I

kèP (272)

dụ

+Foc dụP kè

Wh

+LT DP

ebe

Phase

Spell-Out

foregoing exemplifies how KIs are derived based on the cartographic Split CP with each head bearing one feature.

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