Methods of data collection and Rationale

The tools used in this study to collect data included a questionnaire to study the personal, social, economic, educational, and health conditions of residents; in-depth interviews with women in Rubats; non-participant observation; a building audit to assess Rubat buildings’ environment and design; drawings with photographic study of the premises; a questionnaire about the role of Rubat buildings’ bodies in managing Rubats; and focus groups to discuss women’s desired changes for Rubats.

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The sections that follow elaborate each of this study’s data collection tools. Each tool is explained, with details about how each tool was implemented (including duration, where applicable), and for which component(s) of this study each tool was used.

3.3.1 Questionnaires

This study used two questionnaires. The first questionnaire collected respondents’ specific information such as their age, gender, occupation, and socio-economic demographics. This questionnaire was completed by the researcher to help those women who could not read, and practice allowed for follow-up interview questions. The second questionnaire was designed to gather information about the bodies responsible for managing the Rubats.

3.3.2 Interviews

Interviews were the major data collection tools in this study, and the data was collected using written notes. No voice recordings were used so as to adhere to ethical research measures (Sutton, 2015). There are various types of interviews, based on the degree of structure and formality (Robson, 1993), and these range from highly structured to free range conversations, from closed to open-ended questions (Yin, 1989). Semi-structured, in-depth, face-to-face interviews were conducted in this study. This approach was suitable for this study because semi-structured interviews allowed the researcher and participant to engage in a dialogue in real time (Pietkiewicz and Smith, 2012). It also allowed the flexibility required for original and unexpected points to emerge, which the researcher could explore further with more questions (Golafshani, 2003). Interviews were also conducted after the initial questionnaire to add additional value to their responses.

3.3.3 Observation

One type of observation was carried out in this study. During interviews, the respondents’ non-verbal communications (body language, signs and gesticulations) were observed for cues that would enable better understanding of their feelings. As Robson (1993) notes, people's actions and behaviour are important aspects of social inquiry, and must be observed. In this study, memos were kept for each observation (Charmaz, 2006). Table 3.2 shows memo excerpts written during interviews with some respondents. The observations relate to different interviews.

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Table 3.2 Examples of the Observation Memos Written during Interviews & Analytical Memos written during the Coding Process

Transcript of verbal comments during interview Non-verbal communications Q: Can you tell me how long are you living in this Rubat and what

made you decide to live in a Rubat?

A: Well, I have lived in this Rubat for over 10 years now; that is exactly 3 months after my divorce from my ex-husband. When I divorced from my ex-husband, the only option available to me was to go into the Rubat, as my family members did not want to accommodate me, and I could not afford to rent a an apartment on my own. Due to my divorce, I lost my job and only opportunity to sustain myself.

She starts to cry

Voice suddenly becomes loud and aggressive, reflecting anger.

She sheds tears again. Shakes her head in disbelief that her family did not want to accommodate her.

Q: How long have you lived in the Rubat, and are you happy with your experience so far?

A: I have lived in the Rubat for more than five years, before I lived with my grandmother after my mother abandoned me, after my parents divorced, and after the death of my father. When my grandmother died my uncles abandoned me, like my mother, and I found myself on the street. Before I lived in the Rubat I slept under the stairs of a Mosque for women then I slept in the public gardens when the Mosque closed. I went to the Awqaf and they helped me to become a resident of the Rubat. A lot of my needs are not met in the Rubat.

Analytical memo – family declines its responsibility to family member.

She sheds tears

Cannot hold her emotions back anymore, and starts crying

Q: And what are the challenges you are facing in living in this Rubat?

A: First of all, I thank Allah that I can have a place in this Rubat.

One of the major challenges I am facing is the fact that the accommodation here is not fitted with facilities that would enable people like me with disability. I am not able to move as much as I want and that is making me to add much weight. Another problem is that we are not given enough money to support us. Well, it could be better, but I am happy to have this privilege.

Analytical memo - Structural deficiencies in the Rubats. Inadequate funding of the Rubats.

She smiles.

Q: How long have you lived at this Rubat and how is the relationship between residents?

A: I have lived in this Rubat of a short time, I think 5 years now.

My children live with my mother as they do not like to live in the Rubat because of the social stigma. I miss them so much, I am not able to see them often... Some residents are very unfriendly.

When we received food, one resident kept it for herself and this made me unhappy, I discussed it with her, but she is still doing this.

I do not understand why people would keep more than their fair

Analytical memo - unfriendly behaviour and conflict in the Rubats.

She sheds tears.

Shakes her head several times while responding, as if wondering how somebody could care so little about other people

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share when other people in the area may need this food. I am friendly with everyone but I don’t like it when other women do this, or keep food for their children who do not live in the Rubat

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Table 3.3 A Sample of the Analysis of Data collected through Interviews - Data 1

Coding Interviewee's Comments

I have lived in the Rubat for more than five years despite having parents and sisters and receiving 850 riyals per month (£145.52) in Social Security, but all that is not enough to meet the needs of my children, and I need my ex-husband to provide paperwork to prove that I have taken responsibility for our two children, in order to get more support from the government, but he does not want to admit this and is suffering from mental illness in the form of depression and no one can force him to complete this paperwork, or to recognise that he does not pay maintenance for his children. The government will not provide me with any additional support without these documents and I don’t know how to get them as my ex-husband will not cooperate.

Knows the neighbourhood.

Receives support from the neighbourhood. Harmony amongst Rubat residents.

The Rubat is in a good area, all of the neighbours help and support us, and in fact every Friday we receive food from the neighbours which we share with the other residents.

Has settled into the Rubat.

Already has long-term friendships in the area. Will stay at the Rubat.

I have lived in the Rubat for 20 years. Even though it is not the perfect place, I have now long settled down here. I have established long-term friendships and close-knit community. So I don't want to move out. In any case I have nowhere better to go.

Widowhood is the cause of not mobile, as the Rubat is not fitted with the right facilities.

I live in the Rubat after my husband's death, although I have children but it is better to live in the Rubat, it is freer and more comfort for me, my relationship is good with other residents, and because of my difficulties in going up and down stairs they help me to do my personal shopping, to dress or to wash my face and my hands, but showering I do by myself, though I find it difficult. I spend my time in my room, I sleep and watch TV and listen to the radio. In fact I feel tired when I try to go outside because of my difficulties climbing in and out of bed or getting in and out of the chair, so I prefer to stay in my room.

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3.3.4 A Building Audit and Drawings with Photographs

A building audit was designed to investigate the Rubat buildings’

environmental and architectural conditions. Drawings and photographs of the Rubats were used to help understand the residents’ real life situations, use of space and their space requirements.

3.3.5 Comprehensive Review of Literature

The second type of evidence collection was documentary evidence, which involved document review pertinent to policies, regulations and actual actions taken concerning poverty among women and Rubat housing.

A vital qualitative tool used in this study relates to the review of existing literature on poverty and social policy, with particular attention paid to poverty on the global level, territorial (Arabic region) level and local (Saudi Arabian) level. With regard to the latter context, relevant literatures were examined to highlight critical issues relating to poverty among women, such as traditional, religious and societal issues essential to understanding the marginalisation of Saudi women.

3.3.6 Focus Groups

Two focus groups were carried out in the Rubat buildings, in whatever space was possible to meet with a group. One focus group met in a room; the other meet in a corridor; both focus group sessions lasted approximately two hours. One focus group was held with women living with their children; the other group consisted of older women. Both groups discussed changes they desired for the Rubat buildings. The researcher used the data when drawing up the plans for the proposed Rubat buildings, such that the plans took into account the women’s needs.