The methods with which I gathered data were based over three festival productions and their key program impacts. They included the hands-on festival production, literature review, interviews, elders’ guidance, industry advice, surveys and
weblogging. Data collection supporting the research project was sourced from festival produced documentaries, recorded interviews, document analysis and photographs. I maintained a detailed journal for self-analysis and met with supervisors on a regular basis to discuss my work throughout the research project. The review of collected festival evidence was obtained from various supportive sources acknowledged in the exegesis.
The qualitative methods I used for the data collection evolved within a festival unique theory. Derrett (2008) observes that ‘it may appear a simple task, but its complexity requires empathy and familiarity between the researcher and sites of investigation, the festivals’ (p. 122). I found through Derrett’s (2008) explorations of her own festival experiences there had been emergent and transferable qualities that did not follow ‘conventional objective or detached approaches to the context of the festival study’ (p. 12). In justifying the qualitative methods Denzin and Lincoln (2000) state that
Qualitative research involves the studied use and collection of a variety of empirical materials – case study, personal experience, introspection, life story, interview artifacts, cultural texts and productions, observational, historical, interactional and visual texts – that describe routine and problematic moments and meanings in individual’s lives. (pp. 3-4)
According to Gray (2003) being a researcher means becoming part of the cultural world you are a researcher in, in a ‘Macro’ sense whilst becoming part of a chosen setting, site or geography in a ‘Micro’ sense. A macro sense as suggested by Gray indicates an immersion of being into larger cultural intangibilities and how they exist for the researcher within the micro locality of space. It is suggestive of the
interconnectedness between smaller or micro actions and larger or macro dialogues that are in need of each other to co-exist.
As a festival artist relating to Gray’s observations, I considered this to be aligned with the many national Indigenous cultural discussions, which themselves are within their own micro settings influencing a macro sense. It is arguably an Indigenous cultural gathering, such as the Yalukit Willam Ngargee, that is itself a micro setting that could also feed into a larger macro regard. With this complex understanding of seeing the sum parts within the whole, I became aware of multiple cross-cultural layers, local geographical settings and private and public dimensions. With this in view, my hands on, direct research involvement was a principal method of data gathering which Derrett (2008) states from her own experiences that
I believe the rich description that emerges from my observations allows for insights and conclusions to be transferred to other cases. This personal viewpoint is motivated by a strong commitment to appropriate regional development and minimizing the exploitation of festival organisers just entering the profession. (p. 123)
Derrett’s approach is observant of her own festival artistry gaze and ensuring the festival artistry of the locality and industry is strengthened. It has to be kept in consideration that festivals are unique to their own time and space and my approach to the research project and key impacts began relatively unstructured. This is
relational to Burns (2000) who acknowledges that some researchers may have ‘little idea about what it is they precisely want to observe, or what might go on’ (p. 408). Burns (2000) notes in relation to conducting and observing research that
There are no initial checklists, simply observation of events, situations and behaviours, which are then written up gradually, as more data accumulates, tentative guiding hypotheses, categorizations, conceptual frameworks and some theoretical underpinning coalesce to give some body, focus and direction to later stages. (p. 408)
IMMERSION
My experiences of living for twelve years in the local area and the three years of festivals prior to the research project taking place positioned my ability to be immersed with the natural life of the festival. Burns (2000) suggests that the
researcher becomes involved and immersed over a period of time, including months or years when observing and documenting studies. Observing natural settings rather than artificially created conditions or experiments is according to Denscombe (2008) the whole point of the fieldwork observation.
Burns (2000) cautions though, that ‘the attempt to be both a member and a researcher can often lead to problems of role conflict’ (p. 406). In order to manage these
concerns Creswell (2009) suggests researchers need to reflexively and explicitly identify their values and biases relating to the research project. Maintaining the complex relational stance in which the artist-researcher-practitioner operates, Creswell (2009) states that research characteristics take place
in the natural setting, relies on the researcher as the instrument for data collection, employs multiple methods of data collection, is inductive, is based on participants’ meanings, is emergent, often involves the use of a theoretical lens, is interpretative and is holistic. (p. 201)
AUDIO, VISUAL and ONLINE
Documentation through qualitative audio, visual and online materials was used to support my observations. According to Creswell (2000) forms of qualitative data can be ‘photographs, art objects, videotapes, or any forms of sound’ (p. 181). Derrett (2008) in her observations of festival case studies used photographs and crowd based images as a method to indicate participation levels and details of social relationships, demographics, spatial relationships and atmosphere.
In relation to documented images a resource had been accessed through the Yalukit Willam Ngargee’s contracting of Indigenous photographers from 2006 to 2012. Most notably Watha-Wurrung artist/photographer Bindi Cole, prominent Indigenous photographer Wayne Quillam, Yorta Yorta musician/photographer James Henry and professional Indigenous photographer Steven Rhall through The Torch. Any public release of their images have been appropriately acknowledged and agreed. To this extent non-commissioned or non-curated images, videos and online commentary were accessed as a form of weblogging.
Getz (2007) indicates weblogging as a method of field research data collection that assess ‘the meanings of what people say on web logs, or in other written texts’ (p. 365). Web logs contained comments and images of the festival from festival attendees providing anecdotal evidence regarding the festivals impacts. Getz (2007) considers in relation to sourcing anecdotal weblogging reference related to festival research that ‘if you assume there is some grain of truth in them collectively, it will probably result in improved understanding and maybe play a part in developing theory’ (p. 366). Some of these sources included social networking sites such as Facebook, YouTube and blogs. Data gathered from the culmination of these qualitative festival methods included two documentaries produced through the festival, festival images sourced from consenting and acknowledged photographers, non-curated online commentaries and audio and visual recordings of interviews.
INTERVIEWS
Six semi-structured interviews were conducted with seven participants involved in some capacity with the festival. The questions and interviewing style were open- ended based on Mertens (2005) rationale that it is people themselves that understand
their own lived social reality. The use of open-ended questions, according to Fraenkel and Wallen (2006), can explore an indicated area ‘without suggesting to the
participant how it should be explored’ (p. 459). Fraenkel and Wallen (2006) state in relation to interviewing the key actors who
are especially knowledgeable individuals and thus provide detailed information about a group’s past and about contemporary happenings and relationships, as well as the everyday nuances – the ordinary details – that others might miss. (p. 456)
Consenting interviewees included respected members of the local community, creative programming partners, health service providers, a visual artist/exhibition curator, Yalukit Willam Ngargee festival artist/producer 2011 and 2012, and City of Port Phillip staff. Interviewees were presented with a Plain Language Statement, consent form and question outline. The interviewees were then either filmed or audio recorded. They received a gift certificate without prior knowledge at the end of the session for their time. Interviews were carried out towards the end of the research project, which as Fraenkel and Wallen (2006) highlight, ‘tend to shape response to the researchers perceptions of how things are’ (p. 455). The insights gained from the interviews confirmed and expanded my observations regarding key areas of the festival and the research project.
SURVEYS
I collaborated with the Darwin-based Top End Arts Marketing (TEAM) Indigenous Arts Officer Alison Copley to design and implement a festival survey for 2009. Two surveys were conducted during the 2009 festival during the main festival day and a Noel Tovey theatre production. A descriptive survey as outlined by Burns (2000), ‘aims to estimate as precisely as possible the nature of existing conditions, or the attributes of a population’ (p. 566). Due to the temporal nature of the festival program the survey was cross-sectional which as Mertens (2005) indicates takes ‘advantage of collecting information in a shorter time frame’ (p. 172). To this extent the survey’s purposes were to assist both the research project and the festival.
The survey was structured in seven sections with the final reporting analysis being carried out by Copley (2009) and included respondent profile, information, interests, motivations, awareness, satisfaction and feedback. Burns (2000) notes that ‘the model questionnaire is designed in four parts the introduction, warm-up questions, body of the study, and demographic questions’ (p. 574). To gather the necessary sample size information, the festival survey consisted of a selection of twenty-three open and closed questions administered by festival volunteer interviewers.
Each volunteer interviewer was inducted and supervised by Copley to randomly approach every eighth festival participant within the surveying site, as detailed by Getz (2007) that ‘usually the researcher wants a random sample (e.g., every nth person through the gate)’ (p. 364). The anonymous survey took up to fifteen minutes to administer, was voluntary, consenting participants were over eighteen years old and received a 2008 festival compilation CD without prior indication. Follow up surveys for 2010 and 2011 festivals proved to be financially costly due to the limitations of the research project and festival budget.
DOCUMENT ANALYSIS
Document analysis related to the festival and affiliated organisations promotional materials, correspondences and unpublished reports. According to Derrett (2008) document analysis allows for a profile to be determined not only of the festival organizing infrastructure but of the host community’ (p. 127). Examples of festival document analysis that Derrett (2008) offers include ‘posters, meeting minutes, lists and honor boards in public places, marketing collateral to promote events and video footage’ (p.127). I refer throughout the festival project chapters in Section Three, to festival related documents in the areas of communications, logistics, administration, creative programming and the unpublished reports of Jill Robinson (2009, 2010) and Alison Brash (2010, 2011). To this extent the use of document analysis as a method of data collection provided me with access to explore festival areas that may not have been authorized to traditional methodologies outside of the festival artistry practice.
2.5 Summary
In chapter two I have presented my approach to the study of three Yalukit Willam Ngargee festivals that derives from Getz’s (2010) discussion of ways of viewing an emergent festival. The approach was also influenced by the work of Derrett (2008) who recognises that in providing a description of a festival it must be one that cannot only be transferable, but also gives due consideration to regional developments and emerging industry practitioners. The methodological approach I have developed is unique to these festivals and incorporates the use of qualitative mixed methodologies, including Indigenous research methodologies, art-based methodologies and Action Research. I found Burns, Bryson and Langton’s (2000) question of the gaze
influential in my own festival artistry practice, and I had also been informed through Atkinson’s (2002) discussions on deep listening and contemplation. The study is deeply indebted to the work of Langton (1993) with respect to the role that aspects of non-Aboriginal researchers’ accounts can play in transforming parts of Aboriginal people’s realities. An intensive ethical process was carried out due to the research project’s high-risk categorization. This entailed working in good faith with the guidance of Indigenous Elders and festival stakeholders.
SECTION TWO: YALUKIT - PEOPLE
The literature review titled Yalukit or People is presented in three main topical chapters titled Indigenous Voices, Festival Domains and Dialogues of
Reciprocity. Each chapter heading features key insight discussions that have informed my research process. I have chosen this layout due to the broad amount of contextual literature and the limited amount of specific literature relating to aspects within each field of discussion. Literature that informed the research refers to trusted sources across various disciplines obtained from printed publications and reports, broadcast interviews, visual art exhibitions, video documentation and online weblogging. My work is intended to
contribute to an emerging field of Indigenous festivals research, local government and strengthening community ties.
Chapter Three: Indigenous Voices Literature Review
3.1 Introduction
Indigenous Voices is a thematic overview of literature related to socio-historical contexts, discrimination, health and wellbeing, government discussions and localized understandings. The literature review begins by broadly positioning aspects of Indigenous standpoints and accounts. It then ties in the research project’s localized involvement with the Yalukit Willam Ngargee festival towards the end of the chapter. Indigenous voices is formed into four main headings:
1. Invasion, Subjugation and the Exteriorities of Representation 2. Discrimination and Wellbeing
3. Closing the Gap, Local Government and Reconciliation 4. Yalukit Wilam, Kulin Nation and Spiritual Base
Invasion, Subjugation and the Exteriorities of Representation literature begins with a broad national context of socio-historical events that have influenced research project perspectives. Writers include Lester-Irabinna Rigney, Dennis Foley, Sarah Maddison, Sylvia Kleinert, Gillian Cowlishaw, Fred Myers and Faye Ginsburg, Edward Said, Marcia Langton, Ian Anderson, Fran Edmonds with Maree Clarke and Daniel Browning interviewing Wesley Enoch.
Discrimination and wellbeing factors in aspects of the State of Victoria based work by VicHealth and their Arts About Us program. The chapter continues with discussions regarding Indigenous health and community wellbeing by Judy Atkinson, Marcia Langton, Vicki Grieves, Gerald Vizenor, RMIT Creating Communities (2006) research and touches on Lisa Slater’s work on Indigenous festivals.
Closing the Gap, Local Government and Reconciliation begins with an outline by the Australian Government regarding Closing the Gap (2012) statistics for Indigenous people towards 2031. The area then leads into Erin McKinnon’s (2011) research on reconciliation and local government for Reconciliation Victoria with commentaries
from the publication Building Stronger Communities (2007). A review of related local government reports includes the New South Wales Department of Local Government, City of Melbourne and City of Port Phillip.
Yalukit Wilam, Kulin Nation and Spiritual Base ties in the research project to the people and place of the local area. It begins with Gary Presland (2010) outlining how the Boon Wurrung are one of the five language groups of the East Kulin Nation. The City of Bayside offers an overview of the Boon Wurrung language group clan structure. Ian Clarke and Laura Kostanski relate to some specifics of the Yalukit Wilam clan and resident-guests who live on country. Richard Broome, Martin Nakata and Lester-Irabinna Rigney touch on discussions regarding language and culture. Completing the Indigenous Voices chapter are the Elders’ responsibilities to Yalukit Wilam and Boon Wurrung culture from Senior Boon Wurrung Elder Spokesperson Aunty Carolyn Briggs.