In many Indian cities, migrants live in migrant settlements at the outskirts of town (Alstan 2014: 8). The same applies for the city Dehradun. From the centre of Dehradun, it takes a 30 minutes tuktuk ride to reach South-West Dehradun. Here, a number of migrant settlements are located. My focus is on the area of ‘Sundar Nagar’, of which actually only the northern part is called ‘Sundar Nagar’ as the southern part is locally referred to as ‘Hari Nagar’. Though there is no visible boundary between the two migrant settlements, both places felt very different. Every time I entered Sundar Nagar, it felt like a bustling town itself. Sundar Nagar has a daily vegetable and fruit market, various primary schools, different health-posts and a big variety of shops and street restaurants. The southern part, Hari Nagar, is a 15- minute walk from the centre of Sundar Nagar and is much smaller. To me, Hari Nagar felt and looked like an ‘urban village’ with a local shop here and there; such as a barbershop or a basic grocery shop. However, both settlements are located right next to the Rispana River (see picture 5), though during the time of the year that I was there the river looked (and smelled) more like an open drain. I expected migrant settlements to have slum-like conditions, what is referred to in Indian government publications as ‘poorly built tenements’, with ‘inadequate infrastructure’ and that lack ‘proper sanitary and drinking water facilities’ (Primary Census Abstract for Slum: 2011). But contrary to my expectations, I ran into brick houses, paved roads and electricity and water supplies. Despite proper infrastructure, housing situations in both migrant settlements were insecure.
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Picture 5. Smaller and larger constructed brick houses of migrants right next to the embankment of the Rispana River. © Jule Forth
Hari Nagar
In Hari Nagar, about twenty Bihari migrant families live in and around one specific ‘Bihari alley’ (see picture 6). These Bihari families were from middle/higher castes and had upon arrival in Dehradun a larger migrant network. I observed that these Bihari migrants who got the opportunity, or ‘access’, to live next to other Bihari migrants always chose to live with the ‘Bihari community’ of Hari Nagar. A community, as defined by Rabinowitz (2001) is usually associated with an array of positive connotations such as solidarity, familiarity, unity of purpose, interest, and identity. In Hari Nagar these associations were, among others, reflected in a communal Hindi temple; a joint savings system of Bihari men and the tutoring by older Bihari women to younger Bihari children. In addition, as I noticed when I was with Neha’s family in Bihar, neighbours call each other to check if you and your family arrived safely in Bihar.
Bihari families in Hari Nagar tend to live in one-storey houses (with one, two or three rooms), built from brick stones and corrugated sheets. In most cases, they had lived in Dehradun for a couple of years already and were able to ‘buy’ a small plot of land for 25.000 – 40.000rs (350 – 500 Euro) from their block officer. Then, they could start building their own house, often including a small separate kitchen and private sanitation. In some cases where two brothers had jointly bought a piece of land and build two houses or rooms next to each other, sanitation was shared with their relatives. Bihari families pay electricity and water bills and call their house their ‘property’. To me, their landownership remained unclear as all
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of them stressed that they had not registered their house at the court. According to Indian law, as explained by staff members of Astitva, this implies that they were not the legal and rightful owners of their house. Though many families stressed they have a formal record, I did not see any formal purchase agreement, which causes me to think that these Bihari families had bought their piece of land on the basis of an informal arrangement with their block officer. This means, when another or new block officer comes to charge, their purchased land record might be considered as invalid. In addition to this insecure situation, Bihari families were also worried about rumours of breaking down the migrant settlements in Hari Nagar in order to build flats. I had been told that a few years ago, some other migrant settlements in the same area were flattened for government purposes. Even if these Bihari migrant families live in a Bihari community, they face a lot of uncertainty.
Picture 6. The ‘Bihari alley’ in the migrant settlement of Hari Nagar. Every door opening leads to the house of one Bihari migrant family. Most houses lack a courtyard, which causes that women are largely present in the alley. © Jule Forth
47 Sundar Nagar
In Sundar Nagar, Bihari migrant families tend to live away from other Bihari’s. A few Bihari families stay near their related families (who live some blocks away), but a majority of them live next to migrants from other parts of India. In my observation, Bihari migrants from lower castes that therefore had a less extensive migrant network meaning that they lacked access to a larger Bihari community.
Bihari families in Sundar Nagar live in rented rooms. Most commonly, they rent one room in a larger building in which their landlord and other non-Bihari migrant families live too. Even though these houses are in a good shape and have plastered walls, the rooms are small (15-20m²). Irrespective of the room’s size however, rooms are multifunctional. Bihari families use one room as a bedroom, living room and kitchen, all in one. The room comes with communal sanitation and water supplies, which are used by all tenants. Rental prices vary between 500rs and 1500rs per month (10 – 25 Euro)8, which is exclusive of electricity. Bihari families within Sundar Nagar shifted houses on a regular basis in the locality. When I asked why they moved, common reasons included: “We found a cheaper place”, “we had troubles with our landlords” and “we’re moving closer to some of our relatives”.
The housing situation in both migrant settlements was thus ‘insecure’, though this insecurity was of a different nature in the two settlements. In the next section, I will look at the impact of living next to Bihari migrants in Hari Nagar or away from them in Sundar Nagar on gendered space and gender roles.