2.3.1 Rationalisation and codification
The origins of modem or twentieth century women's team sport with such characteristics as rules, team structure, playing positions, local, regional and national sports associations, international competition, interactive dealings with media, and standardisation of rules, unifonns, participation levels and playing fees are seen by sports historians as having their roots strongly determined by developments in male team sports of the nineteenth century. Hargreaves (1 994) points out that rationalisation of women's sports was often based on the men's sport model and that in England the lack of women's involvement in rough "uncivilised" games led to middle-class values being adopted for sports administration purposes from the beginning (p. 98).
The rationalisation and codification of women's hockey in the late nineteenth century followed developments in the men's game, which began with the formation of the Blackheath Club, sometime before 1 86 1 . Although records of exact dates are uncertain, the Blackheath Club claims to have drawn up the first code of rules (Rhind, 1 993) and the Teddington Cricket Club is credited with the introduction of a smooth cricket-type ball to the game (Arlott, 1 977). More attempts at regulating the game followed, with the publication of hockey rules in the Eton College Chronicle in 1 868 and the introduction of the eleven a side teams in 1 872 (Weir, 1 974). Brasch (1 986) suggests that individual clubs developed their own distinct type of hockey until 1 883 when the game was standardised by the Wimbledon Club in London (Rowley, 1 964). The Wimbledon rules were subsequently
adopted by the Hockey Association in London in 1 886 and spread, with only minor alterations, to other parts of the world in the late nineteenth century (Lowerson, 1 996). The development of men's hockey in England was quickly mirrored by the establishment of women's clubs. The first reported women's club was East Molesey in Surrey in 1 887 (McCrone, 1 988, 1 99 1 ; Pollard, 1 946; Rowley, 1 964; Ward, 1 994) and at Oxford, the same year, women's hockey was reported at Somerville College and Lady Margaret Hall (McCrone, 1 988; Viney and Grant, 1 978). In 1 889 the Wimbledon women's club was formed, being the oldest surviving women's hockey club in the world (Arlott, 1 977).
National hockey associations were formed throughout the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, reflecting this increasing codification and organisation of sports administration. The first men's national association was the Hockey Association, formed in London in 1 886, but the inaugural men's hockey international test match in 1 895 was played by Ireland and Wales (Borrett, 1 955; Viney and Grant, 1 978). Later the same year, in what has also been described as the first test match (see Lowerson, 1 992), England beat Ireland by five goals (The Earl of Suffolk and Berkshire, 191 1).
The Irish Ladies Hockey Union was formed in Dublin in 1 894 (Lodge, 1955), one year before the English Ladies Hockey Association was founded in 1 895, inspired by a "test match" between Newnham and Girton as "England" and Alexandra College Dublin as "Ireland" (Lodge, 1 95 5 ; Pollard, 1 946; Ward, 1994). A name change to All England Women's Hockey Association occurred the following year and the first official international test match was played between England and Ireland in Dublin in 1 896 (Ireland winning 2-0). Although competing for cups and prizes was forbidden at this stage in the game's development (McCrone, 1 988), the competitive nature of play has been noted in women's personal reflections from this era (see for example, Rowley, 1 964). 2.3.2 International administration: Gender separate control
In 1 900, the men's Hockey Association was influential in forming the International Rules Board, with the responsibility for controlling men's test hockey matches (Arlott, 1 977; Salt and Sinclair, 1 954). Ireland and Wales provided two representatives each to this board while three came from the [English] Hockey Association. Although the Scots joined in 1 902, other major hockey nations from Europe (Austria, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, France, Hungary, Spain and Switzerland) decided to form their own controlling body, the
Federation Internationale de Hockey (FIR), in Paris during 1924. Britain did not j oin the Fm until 1 970, despite pressure over the years, including exclusion from the 1 928 Olympic Games because they were non-members (Arlott, 1 977).
Mrs Heron Maxwell from the AEWHA suggested women's hockey should form their own international administrative body in 1 922 (IFWHA, 1 963; Lodge, 1 955). Writing and approving the constitution took time and in 1 927 the inaugural meeting of the International Federation of Women's Hockey Associations (IFWHA) took place in London with founding memberships from Australia, Denmark, England, Ireland, Scotland, South Africa, U. S.A. and Wales. The IFWHA was an organisation founded and run by women, for women. The NZWHA was affiliated to the All England Women's Hockey Association and as such did not join the international body as an independent country until just before the outbreak of war in 1 939 (IFWHA, 1929).
The constitution of the International Federation of Women's Hockey Associations stipulated that an international hockey conference would be held every three years and that international "exhibition" games would be held in conjunction with the conference. The initial purposes of the IFWHA were clear :
The purpose of the Federation shall be to further the best interests of the game among women of all nations; to promote friendly intercourse among players, to work for uniformity of rules and to promote international matches (IFWHA, 1 929, p. 25).
Grant ( 1 984) discusses the philosophical changes that took place in the IFWHA over the years and states that the importance of promoting real friendship and understanding among women of different nationalities was of primary importance. Grant, as former Canadian women' s hockey team coach and international umpire, outlined tangible demonstrations of fair play:
In those days substitution was not permitted in the case of injury; thus, if an injured player were removed from the game, the opposing team also withdrew one of their players to ensure a fairer game. Similarly, it was commonplace for a player to indicate to an umpire when she had been responsible
for putting the ball out of play. Further, it was noteworthy to watch how, in many instances, the players themselves helped umpire the game because of this belief in fair play (p. 35).
Melvyn Hickey's ( 1 964) description of the IFWHA tournament in Baltimore attested to the fair play values simultaneously demonstrated alongside intense competition for victory.
Personally I see no point in going out on to the field not caring whether my side wins or not - the whole object of the game is lost - and I can assure you that there was no such feeling as the English
Xl marched out on to the field in Baltimore (U.S.A.) in August 1 963 . Why, we would have felt unworthy to have been our country's representatives, and rightly so. But win or lose fairly and squarely - that's the aim; not by means foul and unfair, nor by deliberate abuse of the rules. If one accepts the game and a set of rules that govern it, I see no satisfaction in winning only by breaking them (Hickey, 1 964, pp. 60-(1 ).
Apparently, honouring and respecting opponents coincided happily with the English team performing their best hockey and trying to beat the opposition.
Whether they were victorious or not was irrelevant because the IFWHA philosophy of not declaring a tournament winner was in contrast with tournaments run by the FIH for their European members women' s divisions. The FIR women's tournaments were run following the male model with trophies awarded to winning teams and a top to bottom ranking system. When the FIH allowed its women's divisions to affiliate to both hockey organisations in 1 948, they began to participate in IFWHA tournaments in which every team played the same number of games and no outright winner was declared. However, in 1 97 5 the IFWHA changed its non-competitive policy and staged its first "World Championship" with a silver quaich (Scottish drinking cup) presented by the Royal Bank of Scotland being awarded as a first prize (IFWHA, 1 975b).
At that time the IFWHA and the FIH seemingly co-existed, each working for the promotion of hockey independently, having formed a Joint Consultative Committee (JCC) in the mid- nineteen sixties. The JCC helped establish the Women's International Hockey Rules B oard, in accordance with the long-standing men's International Hockey Rules Board in order that the two groups could have "competent" discussions regarding changes to the rules of the game (lFWHA, 1 967, p. 1 8). However, the 1 970s saw a period of tension develop between the IFWHA and the women's division of the FIH, as described by the IFWHA ( 1975a) "the ICC, after one meeting, ceased to exist when the FIH broke off relations with our Federation" (p. 2 1 ). This struggle, over ultimate control of international competition in women's hockey, was to lead to the demise of the women's organisation within one decade.
2.3.3 Gender amalgamation
The next phase in what may have been perceived as the battle for world domination in women' s hockey was the suggestion, by Mr Idenburg, the President of the Royal
Netherlands Hockey Association, to form a supreme council representing both associations. This was achieved on 8th June 1 974 at Baarn (Netherlands) where the supreme council, named similarly to the men' s existing body, the "Federation Internationale de Hockey (IFWHA-FIR)" was to preside over matters of common policy and interest, with each federation being completely autonomous. This co-operative arrangement eventually failed, after a few years of confusion in regard to the timing of international tournaments, but the matter was finally decided, through mutual agreement, with the IFWHA being assimilated into the FIR in 1 983.
Grant ( 1 984) suggests that a combination of factors, led to the downfall of the unique women's government developed by the IFWHA. Firstly, the changes to the women's field hockey system were driven largely by the need for teams to receive government funding. Government funding agencies, being male dominated, were more familiar with the men's model of sport, required a justification for national team support and as a result wanted to know the world ranking and winlloss records of the teams. Secondly, many women wanted the material rewards of the men's system including access to the Olympic Games and the glory and status associated with world cup tournaments. Thirdly, the quiet acceptance of the male model, beginning in 1 967 when a winner was declared for the first time, and ending when teams were ranked top to bottom, may have suggested some women thought that "to see things differently than the men meant we were wrong" (Grant, 1 984, p. 37).
The alm of access to the Olympic Games provided a catalyst for many sports' development and hockey was no exception. The impending merger assured the women a place in the 1 980 Olympic Games, in contrast to men's hockey inclusion since 1 908, because the Fili had previously "blocked its rival organisation" (Lowerson, 1 996, p. 422). (Hockey games appear to have been played at the 1 900 Olympic Games in Paris, as it is reported that each team played France but no medals were awarded [FIHIIFWHA, 1983]). Sporting politics, involving the European based FIH and Olympics Games committee, therefore played a role in ensuring the end of the British based international hockey organizations, the men's Hockey Association and the women's IFWHA.
Aileen Gooder, President of the International Federation of Women's Hockey Associations from 1 967 until 1 97 1 , recalled that, despite initial concerns about amalgamation, gradually the hockey countries came into line and felt the merger was the
most appropriate governance decision. "England were not very much in favour to start with but gradually, as it was discussed at conferences, they came around to thinking it was the best thing to do in the interests of international hockey" (A. Gooder, personal communication, July 3 1, 1 997). In Gooder's opinion, the amalgamation was positive for women and the joint committees, such as the rules board, worked successfully together. The end of the IFWHA put women into the position they had asked for in some cases, right from the beginning of the modem game, that of being partners in one j oint organisation. Modem hockey had spread from England in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, and men had led women in the initial codification and organisation of the game. Women had then developed their own distinctive organisations based around unique values of fostering the game and friendship between women (Grant, 1 984). The international competition, begun in the 1890s for both men and women in the British Isles and which led to the formation of bodies (the HA for men, the Fm: for men and women, and the IFWHA exclusively for women), was to provide a context for the development of hockey beyond Europe. One such field hockey country to be drawn through the late nineteenth century into twentieth century participation was New Zealand.