Multiple citizenships: Global rather than Asian

Heater (2004) argues that in the context of ongoing globalization, the proposition that people can have multiple civic identities has become increasingly important. None of the teachers in my study used the term “multiple citizenships”, but, by implication, most appear to accept the idea of Japanese having overlapping citizenships at the local, national and global levels – certainly in Osler and Starkey’s (2005) sense of citizenship as feeling.

One teacher, who describes herself as a global educator, seemed to recognize the potential for conflict between the national and global dimensions of citizenship:

T: Those themes, like human rights or environmental problems … from my point of view, it’s really important as a global citizen [to know about them]. … But then, before that, as a … well, Japanese citizen … do we … understand what is important? … It’s strange. Um, in my … mind there is global citizenship. There should be some understanding or, you know, … knowledge or awareness or … realization, of … global citizenship. Then, … it seemed as if there is Japanese citizenship, and they are not quite the same. [pause] It should be the same.

IH: Is there a conflict? T: I’m not sure.

Where Teacher 19 says she thinks Japanese citizenship and global citizenship “should be the same”, I take her to mean that a commitment to universal values such as tolerance, justice and respect for human rights should be the basis for citizenship at all levels. These values are the founding principles of Japan’s post- war constitution (Beer & Maki, 2002), so presumably ought to be cultivated in all Japanese citizens. Teacher 19 appears to believe that global citizenship should simply be an extension of these same, universal values to people of all other nations and cultures. Clearly, though, she is also aware that perceived national priorities – those evident in Japan’s foreign policy, for instance – may sometimes be at odds with those of the global community, and that if so, citizens may experience conflicting national and global loyalties.

Notwithstanding these complexities, most teachers who took part in the study seem to accept some degree of multiple citizenship, at least by implication. The vast majority (95.7%) agree that Japanese should feel a sense of

responsibility to the global community; at the same time, with no apparent contradiction, they also agree on the importance of Japanese cultural identity (97.8%). Again, in our interview, Teacher 4 suggested that national identity complements the global dimension of citizenship:

Even the global citizen has a [national] identity and if they have their own identity … I think the people will be more strong, … have some

confidence, and think about other cultures more carefully.

(4, public SHS, interview, teacher’s English)

While the concept of overlapping or multiple citizenships seems to be accepted by teachers, however, it is interesting that they see it as much less important for Japanese to have a regional, Asian identity than to cultivate feelings of global citizenship. In the survey, only five teachers said a “sense of being Asian” was

unimportant, and indeed, in the interviews, one teacher, who says she often

focuses on issues of peace and conflict in her classes, thought an Asian identity was essential for Japanese:

It’s very important. We have to get along with Asian people.

Nevertheless, the survey data indicate a consensus that an Asian identity is less important (Section I, item 20, mean 3.61) for Japanese than identifying as global citizens (item 16, mean 4.15). One teacher suggested that a regional, Asian identity was a potential distraction from the global perspective she feels needs to be given priority:

Of course, it’s important [to feel we’re part of Asia], but more important [to be] a member of the global community. Sometimes I don’t think it’s good to … insist on being a member of Asia, Europe, or America. … A global perspective is more important than that.

(14, public SHS, interview, part translation)

5.4 Chapter summary

This chapter has focused on what participants believe about the personal attributes required for “good citizenship” in Japan. The data suggest that they embrace the principles of democracy and human rights that are the

foundation of Japan’s constitution, and they see these principles as universal, entailing responsibilities at the global level. Their sense of what it means to be “Japanese” is rooted in emotional attachments to Japanese culture, which they believe should be a source of pride; but they are wary of government attempts to strengthen national allegiance by mandating the use of the national flag and anthem in schools. This may partly be a reflection of the age profile of the sample, and the tendency of a post-war generation of teachers to associate these national symbols with Japan’s military past. At the same time, it is also consistent with what I have characterized as the

cosmopolitan tendencies of the sample. There is a place for a benign cultural identity in teachers’ evident cosmopolitanism, but not for the kind of

assertive nationalism that many of them perceive in government policy. Along with human rights, teachers emphasize respect for other

cultures as a fundamental value of citizenship. Crucially, they appear to reject the ideology of nihonjinron and what Siddle (2013) argues is the common- sense view that Japan is essentially homogeneous. The idea that citizens should be aware of and respect the multicultural nature of Japanese society

was not controversial in the survey. The fact that there were almost no references to Japan’s cultural diversity in the qualitative data, however, suggests this is not a pressing concern for many teachers. I argued that this could be a reflection of local conditions. Where two teachers did talk about Japanese cultural diversity, it was with direct reference to the presence of non-Japanese students in their schools. It could be that other teachers are based in parts of Japan where immigration is less apparent. In any case, the very strong consensus among participants that citizenship requires tolerance and respect for cultural others appears to be predominantly outward in orientation, concerned with Japanese attitudes towards foreigners and interacting with people overseas.

In terms of what citizenship entails, teachers tended to rate having the right knowledge, awareness and values as more important than active

involvement in politics and society. Voting is seen as a minimum duty of citizenship, but other forms of political participation and, indeed, community involvement, as less important. This may simply reflect the lower rating of these “active citizen” attributes relative to essential values.

This chapter has focused on what participants say about the requirements of good citizenship. Chapter 6 continues the discussion by considering where teachers identify areas of convergence between citizenship education and English teaching in Japanese high schools.

Chapter 6 Discussion 2: What links do participants see between