Network Theory

Network Theory is not one homogeneous theoretical approach but covers different perspectives, methods and objectives looking at migrant networks across the world. From calculation models developed to measure the density of social networks (REF), to maps showing the spatial distribution and spreadedness of networks (REF), to transnational 'ethnic' communities around the globe to small-scale analysis of narratives, the range is

29 See chapter 5.1.2.1.

wide. Some interesting studies are done, as for instance the very innovative work by Cecilia Menjívar (2000) who theorises the missing links within social networks.

In these approaches, the migration process is understood in its social and cultural embeddedness, linking the migrant to other individuals and groups in both, sending and receiving society. Also on the larger scale, this theory is able to explain some aspects of migration movements and their dynamics in some cases, for instance spatial stratification and settlement patterns, the formation of ethnic niches or the ethnicisation of some professions in the receiving societies – like for instance the high number of Brasilian dentists in Portugal illustrates³⁰.

Nevertheless, Network Theory cannot fully explain migration movements and processes in more general terms, like the reasons for the direction of migration flows. In the case of Portugal and Eastern Europe³¹ there is no evidence regarding the existence of former links that could influence the migration from Eastern Europe to Portugal today.³² The networks that supported the migration flows from Eastern Europe – particularly from the Ukraine – to Portugal were formed in the mid-1990s.³³ They were based mainly on Portugal's intense need for cheap and flexible mão-de-obra on construction sites at that time³⁴. This part of the migration flow to Portugal remained largely undocumented until 2001 (?) when the Autorização de Permanência (AP) was introduced, and is thus not part of the national immigration statistics. Even today, it is remembered by the Ukrainian and Russian migrants that the word spread via these informal networks between Portugal and Eastern Europe. In those years it was still relatively easy (compared to other EU countries) to first work undocumented in Portugal, then after 2001 to legalise their work in Portugal.

One has to assume that this information did attract further immigrants, and is thus in correspondence with the Network Theory approach. Nevertheless, the mere existence of social networks does not explain completely migration movements and individual decisions

30 In fact, the 'Brazilian dentists' enjoy a very positive reputation amongst the Portuguese, the same as many Brazilian waitresses and waiters in bars and cafés all over Portugal.

31 That is, in this Thesis, the countries of the former USSR and the post-socialist Eastern European countries, as defined earlier in this chapter.

32 The only exception could have happened theoretically during the Portuguese revolution period in 1974/75 when Portugal was shortly considered to be the 'Europe's Cuba' – however, I did not encounter any evidence for any link between the USSR and Portugal at that time, later or before, thus this idea remains a mere mind-game.

33 Also to Spain, see Hellermann and Stanek 2006.

34 For more details see chapter 2, Immigration in Portugal.

– in the case of Portugal it could explain some part of the male migration to Portuguese construction sites but certainly does not allow us to understand female migration from Eastern Europe.

Like me, Nana Oishi expresses some fundamental concerns regarding the (lack of) explanatory potential of Network Theory. Based on her research on Asian migration patterns she writes:

However, social networks cannot explain why and how such networks were developed between one country and another to start with. The web of network does not seem to be evenly spread across countries and regions. The migration system theorists argue that the development of such networks is dependent on historical, geographical, and political ties which existed before large-scale migration started (Kritz et al, 1992).

However, there is no convincing evidence indicating the preexistence of such close ties between major migrant-sending and receiving countries in Asia; e.g., the Philippines and Saudi Arabia, or Sri Lanka and Kuwait. Social networks alone cannot explain the patterns of international female (and male) migration either. (Oishi 2002: 7)

Further points of critique are similar as for the Household Theory: I think one should be careful not to reduce and/or construct networks as being purely rational social units with single interest and unanimous decision making, idealised under the (often wrong) assumption that this would "facilitate the equal allocation of resources to all its members"

(Grieco and Boyd 1998: 6). It is more realistic to presume and acknowledge the possibility of the existence of hierarchies, power struggles, central and marginal positions, controversial and conflicting goals, and so on, within social networks. This does not mean to neglect the positive and strong effects social networks can have, in particular for migrants.³⁵ Yet, it is important to approach social networks critically instead of idealising them, and to understand them and their power structures and dynamics in the larger social context, even transnationally. Grieco and Boyd correctly point out that "networks are enmeshed in patriarchal and capitalist social relations" (1998: 6). These contexts have to be recognised and explicitly incorporated into the analysis for not "encourag[ing] research to focus on the 'dominant actors' within those organizations -- who are usually men -- at the

35 Based on the empirical material, I show and elaborate this in various parts of the Thesis, e.g. the part on social capital, social networks etc. Important also is the absence of membership in social networks, see chapter 4.3 and chapter 6.

expense of the 'subordinate' ones -- who are usually women" (1998: 7). Gender, gender relations and resulting power hierarchies embedded and reflected in the larger social context are of strong significance as my research suggests.³⁶

As stated before, theories are influencing each other, some of them join to some productive ends. A good example is again the work by Alejandro Portes who links theories of ethnic and transnational entrepreneurship with theories of social networks. He suggests that it is possible to explain current international migration still from an economic perspective, while at the same time understanding migrants as both, independent actors and active protagonist in their migration process, and as members of social networks (1997:

250, 251). Portes comes to a very positive evaluation of the new possibilities for migrants today:

"Economic globalization itself opens up new opportunities appropriated by immigrant entrepreneurs through mobilization of their networks" (Portes 1997: 253)

Though one has to be careful with such a celebratory statement, it certainly opens new perspectives to conceptualise and eventually understand migration and the life situation of migrants. Networks play an important role in migration processes, and theories related to social networks can offer important insights for migration research. How far this is also relevant for the understanding of my research participants' situation in Portugal, will be elaborated in the later chapters.