Observing and modelling green consumption behaviour

The findings show that participants observe, model and role model green consumption behaviour (see Figure 19). Observational learning (also known as vicarious learning, social learning or modelling) is a type of learning that occurs as a function of observing, retaining and replicating novel behaviour performed by others (Bandura, 1969, 1971; Bandura, et al., 1963a, 1963b). According to research by Bandura and colleagues, social learning theory is based on the idea that we often learn behaviour through observing and subsequently imitating others who perform certain behaviours.

Figure 19: Observing and modelling techniques

It is evident throughout the findings that consumers are aware of the observational learning process and perform behaviour in the hope that others would observe and subsequently adopt the green consumption behaviour they practice.

Observing and modelling GCB

Modelling Role modelling

Observation

Stephanie Hooper 139 Candice: “I think you do whatever you can, and you‟re dealing with human nature and so what I‟d just try to do is focus on myself, but I think – it could spillover to other people. The flatmates see me trying to recycle and all this sort of stuff.”

While Candice (Case 5) is very focussed on her own individual behaviour, she anticipates that her behaviour may “spillover to other people”. Moreover, Bridget (Case 6) believes that other people‟s observation of her green consumption behaviour will have a greater influence on behaviour rather than telling others what to do.

Bridget: “I‟m just learning to keep my mouth shut because it actually doesn‟t help. People observing you is more likely to influence people than telling people what to do - I think it can have the opposite effect.”

This quote from Bridget is in contrast to other instances where she has been very vocal about educating and informing others of appropriate pro-environmental action (as discussed in section 4.5.3. p. 128). Bridget‟s statement, “I‟m learning to keep my mouth shut”, suggests that she has found “telling people what to do” is a less-effective strategy. A significant finding of this research is that several participants deliberately perform green consumption behaviour in anticipation that other people will imitate their behaviour.

Modelling, based on Bandura‟s learning theory (Bandura, 1977), entails providing examples of recommended behaviour. A role model is generally a person who serves as an example and whose behaviour is generally emulated by others (Bandura, 1977).

The participants recognise the important role they play in modelling green consumption behaviour to other consumers. Annette (Case 7) advocates environmental issues and related consumption behaviour, leading by example.

Annette: “So I have since then really taken it on that if I believe in something I should do it and even though I am one person and some people may argue it‟s not going to have an effect, I think it does have an effect. Because a) it makes me feel like I have done the best I can and b) other people can see me and follow my example. It‟s a drop in the bucket - it does something.”

Stephanie Hooper 140 Annette believes that while her contribution to behaviour change may be small, it might have some impact. Participating in green consumption behaviour also makes Annette “feel like I have done the best I can” and is therefore important to her self-esteem maintenance. Meanwhile, Bruce (Case 6) is a role model for behaviour change, involved in challenging social norms about “normal” or “acceptable” forms of green behaviour.

Bruce: “One of the things I do and I do it deliberately, is I wear a suit most days, I deliberately dress well because I want people to notice me when I pick up rubbish. One of the things I like to do is pick up rubbish in the street. I am deliberately doing it because what I‟m thinking. I think it stops people - it‟s a form of residual embarrassment, they just don‟t want to be seen doing things like that. So if they see somebody else doing it then in someway it normalises it they go „oh I saw that guy doing that‟. It makes them think about it too. You tend to after a while switch off to things like rubbish in the street. Especially if it‟s not the cleaner - „some guy in a suit, did you see that!?‟ So I am my own little social experiment.”

The contradictory combination of wearing a suit and collecting rubbish means that people are more likely to notice Bruce‟s behaviour, because it is unusual and not the behaviour expected of a typical businessperson. Bruce feels that people have become immune to rubbish on the street and he attempts to make people consciously aware of litter through his actions. Bruce further explains that genuine acts, such as altruistic rubbish collecting, may have a much greater influence on people‟s behaviour, because the behaviour is deemed more authentic or genuine.

Bruce: “If you‟re going to have in some ways a much smaller influence because people don‟t notice as much initially then in other ways it is a lot larger influence because it is seen as a much more genuine thing that you are doing.”

Bruce provides an interesting juxtaposition between stereotypical images and societal expectations of appropriate behaviour and roles. Bruce attempts to normalise rubbish collecting, an act, which most people would consider embarrassing to perform.

Stephanie Hooper 141 Rubbish collecting while wearing a business suit, is not common practice and may even be considered “alternative” or “extreme” behaviour. Other studies have found that radical approaches to being a “green” consumer, such as Bruce‟s example, are marginalised in society (Moisander & Pesonen, 2002). Therefore, Bruce‟s behaviour may not achieve the result intended (i.e., to encourage others to perform similar behaviour), due to principles of cognitive consistency (McGuire, 1990; Norman, 1975). Alternatively, because Bruce wears a business suit whilst collecting rubbish, his appearance is considered more “mainstream”. As a result, Bruce‟s actions may normalise the behaviour, whereas someone dressed alternatively (i.e., as a hippie) may be viewed as “radical” or “extreme”.

Barr (2007) found that most consumers identify with the majority and are more likely to adopt behaviours practiced by others. Social categorisation and social identity theories (Sherif, 1963; Tajfel, 1978, 1981) help to explain why consumers prefer to identify with the majority in society who practice consumption behaviour deemed

“normal”, rather the minority who practice “alternative” consumption behaviour.

When behaviour is viewed as “alterative” or “extreme”, it is generally associated with avoidance reference groups. While this perception of “normal” versus “alternative”

remains, some consumers may resist pro-environmental behaviour change.

While observation and role modelling are important predecessors to behaviour change, there is an important distinction between observation, role modelling and modelling (Bandura, 1969). While other consumers may notice green consumption behaviour practiced by others, it does not imply simultaneous behaviour change.

However, when a person models or imitates green consumption behaviour, the observations are internalised and pro-environmental behaviour change has occurred (Bandura, 1971, 1977). Bandura‟s (1977) theory of modelling behaviour, also assumes that the examples set by role-models will be followed when they are understandable, relevant, meaningful and rewarding to people. For example, through observing Annette cycling, one of her friends started to cycle instead of driving or using public transport.

Annette: “A friend actually said to me once „oh you know I never used to bike anywhere but you two have taught me to bike‟. I had a feeling of almost shock

Stephanie Hooper 142 because I didn‟t realise that we had that affect on her. So I tend to have this feeling of we are living our lives and if we influence people then that is amazing!”

Annette also expressed that she observed and eventually modelled green consumption behaviour practiced by a previous flatmate.

Annette: “We lived together with other people in a flat for a while and so we just looked at him [other flatmate] and thought „wow that‟s amazing that he can do that‟. But we didn‟t really apply it to our own situation until we got our own home.”

Annette did not immediately apply observations of her flatmate‟s behaviour to her own habits until she owned her own home. Annette only internalised her observations when it was personally relevant and when she had the opportunity to somewhat control the consumption habits of the household. This example reiterates the idea that the adoption of green consumption behaviour may take time and certain conditions (i.e., self-efficacy and locus of control) before permanent pro-environmental behaviour change can take place.

Through experience, some participants‟ have realised that the most effective way of influencing others, is through other people observing their own actions. Other studies have also found that conspicuous pro-environmental acts such as curb-side recycling programmes, increase the influence of peer participation and modelling (Oskamp, et al., 1991). The findings of this research are unique because they demonstrate how consumers observe and model green consumption behaviour of others. Some consumers even contribute to pro-environmental behaviour change, by being role models to others.

Stephanie Hooper 143 4.5.4.2. Organisational level

Some participants attempt to encourage green behaviour at an organisational level (see Figure 20). This involves supporting environmentally responsible organisations through purchases, meanwhile avoiding environmentally irresponsible organisations through non-purchase. Some participants are also involved in political action and boycotts of products and brands with environmentally-damaging business practices and operations.

Figure 20: Organisational-level greening strategies