Other considerations and concluding thoughts

To begin, it should be understood that one of the main factors I included, housing values, are not objective, quantitative values. Property is assessed by individuals who estimate the value based on the market, cost, or income approach. Each approach is flawed and subjective in its own way and is not permanent; meaning, the research and the values I assessed this past year might not hold true a year from now. For instance, prospective home owners might run into this if they look for a house for a long period of time, as a house they looked at 5 months ago can reduce or increase significantly depending on the market, or depending on the assessor. Therefore, much of the data I relied on for property data could be invalid within a matter of months. These facts could again be reiterated for property taxes, which are based mostly from assessed value of the property and again are subjective. Property taxes and assessed values take

into consideration both the value of the land and the value of whatever could be or is going to be built on the land. So, although the land itself could be financially viable the built value could be substantial. To summarize, property records are subjective and constantly in flux and therefore should not be understood as static facts.

Additionally, in terms of methods, some researchers might fault my exclusion of remote sensing analysis – a method frequently used when conducting land assessments. Although many studies that employed remote sensing to find suitable land use (especially in terms of agricultural land) were successful, I chose not to utilize it because of my experiences in Atlanta gardens and the downfalls of using it for the explicit purpose of urban agriculture examination. Remote sensing has the ability to inform what land cover is present; however, researchers note that a common problem upon analysis is the difficulty distinguishing certain land types, such a tree cover versus open green space, allowing for potential complications for assessment (Kremer and Deliberty 2011). Additionally, as mentioned previously, urban growers are known for being creative with their spaces, indicating that intimate knowledge of each land cover type would not necessarily include or exclude a site from analysis and therefore would not be a necessity. However, there are methods, attributes, and content I hope to include in furthering the examination of local food in Atlanta and discussion of larger food systems.

In the future, I hope to expand my research to also include analysis of not only the

location for urban agriculture in Atlanta, but also the production, distribution and outlets for local food across the metropolitan area – informed by the study done by Kremer and Deliberty (2011) in their comprehensive assessment of the movement and production of local food in

Philadelphia. Once this analysis is done, Atlanta can be integrated into the larger discourse on agri-food business, comparing systems and advancing and improving on the movement as a

whole. In addition to the pathways and connections of food, is the story of those involved with it: from the grower to the distributors to the chefs and the consumers.

Illuminating the story of these individuals and not relying on broad generalizations could extol the benefits of the movement and gain support from others outside or unfamiliar with local food in Atlanta and other agriculture systems. In addition, these stories should also include experienced rural farmers, especially ones involved in industrial practices. Although

improvements in local structures are vital, this discussion around food needs to be at all scales. Therefore, without including the farmers and farms that dominate our food culture, much of the transformation that needs to occur for the social, ecological, and physical health of our citizens (rural and urban) will be incomplete. Much of the blame falls on the farmers, when instead more examination needs to be focused on the financial influences (especially in terms of government subsidies) and consumer demand that informs much of the practices and methods being utilized. If supporting the farmer was emphasized over supporting cash crops and education and resources were provided to industrial farmers looking to change their practices, meaningful transformations could be seen in our future agricultural landscape.

In terms of examining local food, many of these proposals are already in some form of development, as students, researchers and other invested individuals have been creating

fragmented pieces of this large, intricate system. Through these important projects, agriculture can once again be ingrained into the urban environments that once were lost. However, while the literature does support the integration of agriculture and local food systems into the urban, it must be noted that there are also objections and fears associated with its institution.

In addition to the certain ecological factors that could be of concern, there are matters concerning agriculture within urban areas of high density, especially near residential districts.

Although my analysis concentrated on produce primarily, some urban agriculture can contain livestock. For neighbors of these farms, certain noises, smells or other issues (chickens have been known to carry or attract disease and disease carrying rodents) could adversely affect their daily routine or lead to issues of public health (Mogk et al.. 2010). Outside of animal husbandry, is the need for pollinators in the cultivation of produce. Urban beehives could be a nuisance at the very least and a danger at the very worst if not properly managed. For instance, if the beehive is situated, without the proper impediments, against a fence of a neighboring yard that has children or residents that are highly allergic problems could ensue. Lastly, is the innocuous issue of appearance. Although an overgrown garden or compost pile might not be something to fear, it can be an issue of contention for neighbors that prefer the look of manicured lawns.

To conclude, urban agriculture has been shown as a way to contest the large agri-food systems that have dominated the past century. Although the support for the movement as a whole is prevalent, there still needs to be work done in terms of assistance for farmers and small businesses trying to encourage non-commercialized or industrialized food products. Farm-to- table restaurants are popping up all over the city and across the country, yet many of the growers that provide that $10 side of broccoli, customers will happily purchase, are having trouble supporting a financially viable situation for themselves and their farm. It is not enough to go to the local farmers market on Sunday or volunteer weeding plants on occasion. For a plant to grow the roots must be stable – without financially stable growers there will be no movement to thrive and grow.

In returning to the “right of the city”, succeeding in integrating local food into our urban landscape is a vital step in contesting neoliberal structures that would attempt to undermine urban citizens claiming that right. Urban agriculture and the mission of the local food movement

allow marginalized residents and disenfranchised areas of the city to create spaces of urban vitality and sustainability. Although the twentieth century has produced industrialized systems and arguably harmful food stuffs that have raised concerns for the future viability of the world and specifically our exponentially expanding urban centers, scholars and activists find hope in transitioning away from the systems that have “come to lay us low” through development and investment in urban agriculture and its local food markets (Delind 2006: 142).

Micheal Pollan (2006: 411) asks us to examine “what it is we’re eating. Where it came from. How it found its way to our table. And what, in a true accounting, it really cost”. It is not only our right to question the forces that dictate our food landscape and urban structure, it is our responsibility. It has been shown that our everyday choices in matters as small as food

consumption and purchasing have rippling effects across our social, political, economic and especially environmental spheres and therefore require our attention for the health of our current existence and our future one. To end as we began, with Delind (2006: 125),

“The ultimate conclusion seems brutally ironic: if ‘‘we are what we eat,’’ then we too are in the process of becoming commodities. We become known for our capacity to act as the receptacles of abstracted and detached values realized as product attributes, rather than as well-placed and localized citizens.”

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