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The term Creole is a French word “créole”, derived from probably from born slave, stemming from the verb ‘criar’ ('to breed') from the’

meaning 'to produce, create'’. The term was coined in the sixteenth century during the great expansion in European maritime power and trade and the establishment of European colonies in th

The term "Creole" was originally applied to people born in the colonies to distinguish them from the upper-class European-born immigrants. Originally, therefore, "Creole language" meant the speech of those

As a consequence of colonial European trade patterns, many Creole languages are found in the equatorial belt around the world and in areas with access to the oceans. Such areas include the languages with show little to no contact with European languages. The extent to which are significant in the genesis or the description of Creole languages is a heated dispute.

According to their external history, four types of creoles have been distinguished:

plantation creoles, fort creoles, maroon creoles, and creolized pidgins. As to their internal history, there are four preconceived assumptions,

Creoles are more alike than other languages

Creoles exhibit more internal variability than other languages

Creoles are more mixed as to their grammars and vocabularies than other languages

Creoles are more simple than other languages

Because of the generally low status of the Creole peoples in the eyes of European colonial powers, Creole languages have generally been regarded as degenerate or at best as rudimentary come to be used in opposition to "language" rather than a qualifier for it. Prejudice of this kind was compounded by the inherent instability of the the disappearance of Creole languages, mainly due to dispersion or assimilation of their speech communities. Another factor that may have contributed to the relative neglect of Creole languages in linguistics is that they comfort critics of the 19th century of sound change (such as the earliest advocates of th late 19th century profoundly shaped modern approaches to th that Creole languages are in no way inferior to other languages and use the term "Creole"

or "Creole language" for any language suspected to have undergon geographic restrictions or ethnic prejudice.

As a consequence of these social, political, and academic changes, Creole languages have experienced a revival in recent decades. They are increasingly and more openly being used in literature and in media, and their community prestige has improved. They are studied by linguists as languages on their own. Many have already been standardized, and are now taught in local schools and universities abroad.

By the very nature of the subject, the creoleness of a particular Creole usually is a matter of dispute. The parent tongues may themselves be Creoles or disappeared before they could be documented. For these reasons, the issue of which language is the parent of a Creole, that is, whether a language should be classified as a

"Portuguese Creole" or "English Creole", etc, often has no definitive answer, and can

considerations may interfere with the scientific discussion, thus the concepts:

a

The terms only substrate) are somehow compelled to abandon that language for another language (the superstrate). The outcome of such an event will be that erstwhile speakers of the substrate will be speaking a version of the superstrate, at least in more formal contexts. The substrate may survive as a second language for informal conversation (as in the case of speech, if detectable at all, is usually limited to pronunciation and a modest number of loanwords. The substrate might even disappear altogether without leaving any trace.

However, these terms are not as meaningful where the new language is distilled from multiple substrata and a homogeneous superstratum. The substratum-superstratum continuum becomes awkward when multiple superstrata must be assumed (such as in survival of substratal evidence is inferred from mere typological analogies. However, facts surrounding the substratum-superstratum opposition cannot be set aside where the substratum as the receding or already replaced source language and the superstratum as the replacing dominant target language can be clearly identified and where the respective contributions to the resulting compromise language can be weighed in a scientifically meaningful way; and this so whether the replacement leads to Creole genesis or not.

With Creole languages, "superstrate" usually means European and "substrate" non-European or African as what is found in some parts of Port Harcourt. A to pressure from its superstrate language. Speakers of the Creole feel compelled to conform their language to superstrate usage introducing large scale variation and

Comparing the different Creoles in any theory-orientated perspective, whether of similarities will be higher when the comparison is restricted to and excluding non-European-based Creoles such as The comparative work of

Particularly worrisome is the evidence that in belong to the same subgroup of Wester systems of grammar to the point where they form a homogeneous group of languages Whorf call other grammatical types. French and English are particularly close since English, through extensive borrowing, is typologically closer to French than to other Germanic languages.

According t a common substratum as well as a common superstratum.

There are a variety of theories on the origin of Creole languages, all of which attempt to explain the similarities among them.

classification of explanations regarding Creole genesis:

Theories focusing on European input Theories focusing on non-European input

Universalist approaches

5.2.1 THEORIES FOCUSING ON EUROPEAN OUTPUT

The European linkage to the origin of Creole has four sub-originating theories which are:

the monogenetic theory of pidgins and creoles, the Domestic Origin Hypothesis, the European dialect origin hypotheses and the Foreigner talk or baby talk.