Parenting styles 46

The importance of parental influences on a child’s social and instrumental capabilities has been recognised since the 1920s (Darling, 1999). The construct of

‘parenting styles’ is used to explain normal variations in parents’ attempts to socialise and control their children. Definitions of parenting typology were established by Diana

Baumrind in 1966 and were further developed in later years (Baumrind, 1967, 1968, 1971, 1991).

The parenting style model by Baumrind centres on issues of control (Darling, 1999). Parents may choose different methods to socialise and manage children, with the

underlying assumption that a parent’s principal role is to influence, teach and control their children (Darling). Parenting style includes two important fundamentals of parenting, which are parental responsiveness, also referred to as warmth and supportiveness, and parental demandingness (Baumrind, 1991; Maccoby & Martin, 1983).

Parental responsiveness refers to the extent to which parents foster individuality, self-regulation and self assertion by being attuned, supportive and agreeable to the child’s needs and demands (Baumrind, 1991). Parental demandingness, which is also known as parental control, refers to the “claims parents make on children to become integrated into the family whole, by their maturity demands, supervision, disciplinary efforts and

willingness to confront the child who disobeys” (Baumrind, 1991, p. 62).

According to the levels of parental responsiveness and parental demandingness, four typologies of parental styles were categorised as: authoritarian, authoritative,

indulgent, and uninvolved (Darling, 1999). The four typology model of parental styles was developed by Macoby and Martin (1983), following a review of Baumrinds’ (1967, 1971) tripartite model of parenting styles which was comprised of authoritarian, authoritative and permissive parenting styles (Smetana, 1995; Steinberg, 2005). Although the literature has referred to other parental styles, such as permissive and neglectful (Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987; Rodriguez, Donovick, & Crowley, 2009), and

laissez-faire (Ginsburg & Bronstein, 1993), they are all largely based on the four major parental styles (Garcia & Gracia, 2009).

All the parental styles reflect different patterns of parental values, practices and values, within a clear balance of responsiveness and demandingness (Baumrind, 1991). Parental styles are important because they have been found to predict children’s well-being within the realms of social competence, responsiveness, academic performance,

psychosocial development, and behaviour difficulties (Darling). The four major parental styles will now be further examined.

3.3.1   Authoritarian parenting style

The first of the major parental styles is known as ‘Authoritarian’. Authoritarian parents are directive and highly demanding, but not responsive (Darling, 1999). These parents expect their orders to be carried out without question or explanation, and are obedience-oriented and status-oriented. Children with authoritarian parents live in well- structured and well-ordered environments, and are accustomed to clearly stated rules (Baumrind, 1991). Some parents who practise the authoritarian parenting style include the use of physical and psychological punishment as disciplinary measures (Baumrind, 1996). Behavioural compliance and psychological autonomy are not considered mutually

exclusive, but rather as interdependent objectives (Baumrind). Behavioural compliance refers to attending to others requests or expectations (Marchant, Young, & West, 2004). Psychological autonomy refers to an individual’s awareness of being separate from others, who self-regulates their behaviours, and also has independent thoughts, feelings and behaviours (Allen, Hauser, Bell, & O'Connor, 1994). Authoritarian parents can be divided into two camps: (1) authoritarian-directive, who are directive, greatly intrusive and

autocratic, and (2) non-authoritarian directive, who are less intrusive (Baumrind; Weiss & Schwarz, 1996).

In intrusive authoritarian-directive homes parents are typically traditional, controlling, and firm (Baumrind, 1991). An example of a highly intrusive authoritarian- directive parent could be one who requires children to lodge their mobile telephones into a ‘phone basket’ at an appointed time, to prohibit its evening use, and also for the parent to examine their children’s text messages and other telephone usage. In contrast, a non- authoritarian-directive parent would not have a ‘telephone basket’ or view text messages

and telephone call information. This parent would set clear boundaries, such as the hours and time frame allowed for mobile telephone usage.

An authoritarian-directive parent may respond to a child’s transgression, such as fighting with siblings over a television program, and could shout out an immediate ban of television viewing for a set time period as a punishment (Samalin, 2006). This ‘Do it because I say so’ style of authoritarian parenting dictates solutions and prevents children from an opportunity to engage in problem-solving behaviours by learning to cooperate (Samalin). With this example, children may become resentful and in fear of expressing their thoughts and feelings. The authoritarian approach may force children to obey and work in the short term, but over time children may become more disobedient and defiant when disciplined in this manner (Samalin, 2006).

When examining parental style, Weiss and Schwarz’s (1999) used five personality measures that consisted of Agreeableness, Extroversion, Conscientiousness, Openness to experience and Neuroticism. Results indicated that children from authoritarian-directive homes were significantly less open to experience than those from non-directive families. Furthermore, in addition to resentment and fear (Samalin, 2006), the children were

significantly more neurotic than children from more unengaged parenting styles (Weiss & Schwarz). An alternative parenting style that tends to be less rigid and controlling in nature than the authoritarian parenting style, is the authoritative parenting style.

3.3.2   Authoritative parenting style

The second parenting style is ‘authoritative’ and is more democratic (Baumrind, 1991). Authoritative parents are demanding, but are also responsive (Baumrind, 1967, 1971). These parents monitor and impart clear standards for their child’s behaviour. They are assertive, but not restrictive and intrusive. Discipline is often supportive, rather than punitive. Authoritative parents want their children to be assertive, socially responsible, to

self-regulate and be cooperative (Baumrind; Weiss & Schwarz, 1996). The authoritative parenting style applied in an early parent-child relationship has been suggested as a predictor of higher academic achievement and better adjustment to university (Wintre & Yaffe, 2000).

Applying the television viewing example, an authoritative parent may respond calmly, “If you two can work out a way to share your TV time, you’re welcome to watch, if not, the TV goes off”. The authoritative parent firmly states a consequence that will result if the fighting continues, but also respectfully guides the children to manage their own solution, and then follows through. Should the parent not follow through, then the parent’s statement becomes a worthless threat that the children will likely ignore (Samalin, 2006). Another parenting style that is less structured that the authoritative parenting style, is known as the permissive, or indulgent parenting style.

3.3.3   Permissive or indulgent parenting style

A third parenting style is classified or ‘permissive’, ‘indulgent’ or ‘nondirective’ (Baumrind, 1967, 1971, 1991). These parents are more responsive than demanding, and are non-traditional and lenient. They allow considerable self-regulation, do not insist on mature behaviour, and avoid confrontation. Permissive parents share some similarities with authoritative parents (Baumrind). Both authoritative and permissive parenting styles are emotionally supportive and responsive to their child’s needs and are consultative with decision-making. The difference is that permissive parents are not demanding and do not assign many responsibilities (Santrock, 2009). Instead, their children are generally self- regulated and are not required to meet adult-imposed behaviours, and thus need less assistance from adults.

Many studies have viewed permissive parenting more negatively than authoritative parenting (Baumrind, 1991; Beau & Adam, 2006; Santrock, 2009). The permissive

parenting style has been correlated with a higher risk of illicit drug and alcohol consumption by their children (Baumrind). However, it is not always clear that a

permissive parenting style is inferior to an authoritative parenting style. A recent study in Spain which examined parental styles (Garcia & Gracia, 2009), did not find any

differences between adolescents raised in a permissive style of parenting and an authoritative parenting style. Garcia and Gracia concluded that in Spain, the optimum parental style is the permissive or indulgent one. The findings were based the adolescent outcomes, which were equal or better than with the authoritative parenting style. However, the findings were regarded as limited, because the study was in one geographic location, and preliminary, because the findings were not based on longitudinal or experimental data. Some aspects of the permissive or uninvolved parenting style can also be found in another parenting style, known as the uninvolved or laissez-faire parenting style.

3.3.4   Uninvolved or laissez-faire parenting style

The fourth parenting style is known as ‘uninvolved’ or ‘laissez-faire’ (Ginsburg & Bronstein, 1993), and is low in both demandingness and responsiveness (Baumrind, 1991). A minority of parents who may be regarded as employing an uninvolved parenting style might be assigned as rejecting-neglecting and be neglectful parents, however, the majority of parents in this category are within the normal range (Baumrind; Darling, 1999; Weiss & Schwarz, 1996). An example of uninvolved parenting could be when a teenage child requests to go out drinking on the weekend with friends; the uninvolved parent’s response, may be, “Whatever” (Rosenthal, 2004). Hence, there has been an increased percentage of substance abuse that has been correlated with children that have been parented with an uninvolved parenting style (Mounts, 2002; Rosenthal).

Baumrind (1991) proposed that parenting style is a typology, and not a linear blend of responsiveness and demandingness, and that each parenting style is greater than a sum

of its parts (Darling, 1999). In addition to differing on responsiveness and demandingness, parental styles vary to the extent and use of psychological control (Darling). Psychological control refers to attempts to control and interfere with the psychological and emotional development of children through parenting practices, such as the withdrawal of love, guilt induction and shaming (Barber, 1996; Darling).

Both authoritarian and authoritative parents have high demands that include what they consider to be appropriate behaviour (Darling). Authoritarian parents have an expectation their children will agree to their judgements, without question. Authoritative parents, in contrast, are more open to negotiation and provide more explanations.

Therefore, authoritative and authoritarian parents are both equally high in behavioural control, whilst the authoritarian parents are higher in psychological control, and authoritative parents are lower in psychological control (Darling). The literature

overwhelmingly endorses the authoritative parenting style as the better quality parenting style, whilst the strengths and weaknesses of the other three major styles of parenting are suitably acknowledged (Baumrind, 1993; Coplan, Hastings, Lagacé-Séguin, & Moulton, 2002; Dornbusch et al., 1987; Dwairy, Achoui, Abouserie, & Farah, 2006; Querido, Warner, & Eyberg, 2002; Taylor, Dowdney, & Woodward, 1998; Weiss & Schwarz, 1999). Individuals who raise children with particular parental styles may influence how a child individuates, or distinguishes oneself from others.