Paths to Mass Communications Course

This analysis is using themes drawn from participants’ responses to semi-structured questions and probes, in this case, the concerns of the interviewees for the selection

procedures that the Arts and Social Sciences College uses to allocate students to the mass communications classes. The interviewees used the following questions for the

observations supporting this theme:

Q1: SQU College of Arts’ Mass Communication Department graduates employability in Oman’s public and/or private sectors (Graduates’ employment prospects)

Q2: SQU MCD graduates’ skills and knowledge required for employment (Graduate skills’ standards)

The views of the participants on the paths toward the MCD program are presented at Table 9. The interviewee categories responding to the questions are shown in the table, together with the results of the analysis of the sub theme.

Table 9

Respondents’ Views on MCD Selection Procedures

Question Respondent Category Findings

Graduate employees, public and private sectors; students

Three employees reported they chose mass

communications, but noted most of their cohort were transferred (not selected)

One student reported a choice for mass communications Unemployed graduates Three interviewees reported that they did not have any

interest in mass media

Four reported that they wanted a mass media career; one was warned there were no jobs

Student selection was made on school results, there were no entry procedures for acceptance to the MC course

Policymaker College of Arts and Social Sciences alone among SQU’s colleges used Arabic in lectures

The low intake of female students was due to their reluctance for public appearances

Q1: Graduate employment prospects and Q2: Graduates’ skills standards

Faculty/academics Whilst two academics said that most students elected to study mass communications, four mentioned that (most of) (50 per cent)* student intake included those from other colleges and/or those whose academic results were not good Transferred students were demotivated

A formal selection process was urgently required, although insufficient students elected mass communications for such a system to be effective

Few females applied for the MCD course

* Academic 5 said most of the mass communications students came from (transferred from) other colleges; Academic 6 said 50 per cent of MCD students were transferees.

In the views of the study participants, particularly the faculty and the unemployed graduates, the selection system for enrolment to MCD courses proved inadequate to the challenge of achieving an acceptable standard of student at intake and thus enhancing human capital for all class members. Generally, the interviewees knew that the MCD student intake frequently included those with lower secondary school results than some other SQU colleges commanded, and this was exacerbated by the absorption of yet others under probation from the other colleges, a possible attraction due to the fact that the Arts college uniquely (for SQU) delivered all its lectures in Arabic. MCD’s faculty could not control admissions to the course because of these practices, and the academics expressed a collective desire for an admission process that included aptitude testing and interviewing of

MCD candidates to determine their suitability and enthusiasm for study in media programs:

There must be different acceptance intake conditions for the MCD . . . Among these conditions are the following: firstly, the desire, language skills, and examinations . . . We need to choose the best available (Academic 6)

The ad hoc enrolment system practised at the department was detrimental to student motivation, and particularly harmful to the students who had selected the course and won a placement. Thus the recipients of SQU’s alternative student enrolment practices who eventually graduated did not impress potential employers, could not win job placements; and in their numbers, reflect badly on the MCD programs.

The imbalance between human capital and social capital outcomes, as discussed at s5.1.2, is again evident. Human risk capital is experienced by the students inasmuch as they could not expect a defined benefit from their future qualification, whilst an underlying factor of negative social capital was occurring due to the low status of the course,

producing Portes’ downward levelling norms (1998 p.15) for the students and a reflection on the university’s status.

The faculty foresaw difficulties for the course and the qualification when a half of the undergraduates ‘arrived’ in the course with little knowledge of media and without incentive to learn. The employers’ category claimed that student intake practices were sub- standard for a quality degree course. A private sector employer confirmed that disgruntled students who did graduate would not exhibit the qualities of professionalism that

employers were seeking and would not succeed in finding work in this job market. As a potential employer, a government representative resolved to approach the university and request that employers’ organisations were represented on the student selection panels to have a say in selecting future media professionals, thereby opening the possibility of particular kinds of relationships between the stakeholders: the weak ties of effective social capital.

Of the policymakers, only one agreed with the admission practices, surmising that the students’ educational experience was the goal, not employment. However, the parents’ category, and reports of their views from student and graduate categories, strongly

underscored the belief that there was little media work available and the parents had advised against MCD enrolment. For many female students, this was exacerbated by cultural norms that raised barriers against media careers.

A private sector employee mentioned that there were no specific criteria for student selection and that the consensus was that half the existing students had no desire to work in media, but merely wanted to complete a degree for entry into the broader labour market at a professional level. This opinion reflects on the role for universities in higher education discussed at s5.1.2and the sometimes contrary outcomes the public sector establishes attempting to build human capital for its citizenry. The probability was that a vocational qualification from a technical college would realise a well-paying job equal to, if not greater than the mass communications graduates, who paid the greatest price for their human risk capital and reported variously that they had been warned of a lack of media job opportunities, or that they had discovered this situation upon entry to the course.

Reflecting the majority of opinion on selection procedures, one unemployed graduate commenced in library studies and switched to mass communications, a move the graduate regrets. Similarly, another unemployed graduate, from Commerce, changed to Arts (against parental advice) and joined mass communications on the basis of good grades. As a counter to the prevailing response to unregulated entry into the mass

communications course, a more laissez-faire approach to a media career was reported by a third unemployed graduate, who took time selecting a career. Having organised

presentations and functions whilst at school, the graduate’s attention moved from one possible career to another, enjoying change and trying different things, but, because of the initial interest in media-associated pursuits, the individual eventually joined MCD. For this graduate, journalism is now just a hobby. Yet a public sector employer believed there were ample jobs for committed graduates, but that the entry system to the MCD course

functioned to exclude, by the department’s implied status, those exceptional students it most needed to attract, a point echoing Academic 6’s comment that We need to choose the best (candidates for the MC course) available. Again, Portes’ (1998) downward levelling norms eroded social capital accumulation for the university.

5.3.1.1 Female MCD Selections An interviewee from the university executives and government policymakers’ category drew attention to the lack of female enrolment in the mass communication program attributed, the participant believed, to a lack of job vacancies rather than lack of family support or for cultural reasons. However, in Portes’ view (1998 p.8) women in a traditional society, whilst benefiting from accrued social capital, can be excluded from benefits shared through the group in order to conform to the group norms. This is borne out by Omani statistics; 8,365 Omani women were ‘registered

only’ for employment in the private sector with the Public Authority for Social Insurance for Private Industry, although 36,000 were registered and employed in the public sector (s3.1.2) and 51 per cent of graduates from SQU are women. Nevertheless, female enrolment in the MCD course maintained a low rate, fewer than 20 per cent of the class, and study participants attributed this to one or more of three reasons. First, cultural values affect the outlook of some parents, who do not wish their daughters to mix with men in a media workplace, preferring a women-oriented career (Talhami 2004); second is the fear of unemployment in the media market; and finally, workplace location affects many women, who prefer to remain within commuting distance of their homes.

The faculty group in particular expressed concern at this situation and its lack of resolution in the foreseeable future, believing that it is in the interests of the country to have good media role models for female children to encourage them into non-traditional career paths.

We are suffering a great social problem… We have few female entrants (to the MCD courses when) compared to the numbers of males… I think mainly it depends on the social environment of the students and their parents’ education level.

The notion that it is in Oman’s interest to encourage women into the media was shared by many interviewees, although as noted the issues ranged from traditionalism against women in a public role to lack of work. A contrary view emerged that if an individual was determined to enter the media field, he or she would overcome parental displeasure and approach MCD. One parent supported this view:

My daughter liked (the idea of being) a journalist when she was young and she used to take mikes and (imitate) journalists … Gradually, this developed in her. I can say she had the motivation and the intention to be a journalist and as a result, she joined this specialisation. We did not stop her from joining this specialisation (Parent 2).