Perceptions of labour markets

Although some households had experiences of work-related residential mobility, it did not play a major role in participants' biographies. The expectation that work should be an important driver of residential mobility behaviour is insensitive to different experiences of searching for work, job insecurity, and the role of work in the construction of identities. For many people, work was not something around which the rest of their lives were organised; it was not stable or significant enough. Labour market experiences, through the historically constituted habitus, structured the way in which households perceived the labour market opportunities around them (Bourdieu, 1990).

With the exception of those working in more professional roles, many participants had poor knowledge of opportunities both locally and in the wider labour market context. Linking back to experiences of accessing work through

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local networks and working in poorly-paid and unstable sectors, we can begin to understand why, for many people, situating yourself within a broad labour market area is irrelevant. As Green et al (2005) argued, official labour markets are constructed without taking into account the different perceptions of individual actors, which affects their job search behaviour. The experiences people had of moving in and out of work guided perceptions of, and responses to, labour markets, providing insights into why people do not move when there are seemingly better opportunities available elsewhere, a key question for Coulter and van Ham (2013:1053).

Local labour markets

Although some participants drew on narratives of industrial decline in their discussion of the local labour market, this was not a particularly pervasive narrative and was associated more with those who had worked in these industries. Chris (Eastland, 45-54, economically inactive), for example, recalled that "you could walk straight across the other side o' the docks on the decks of the ships…that's how packed the dock used to get", and as a painter he could always pick up extra work painting boats. Today, he was unable to find work and relying on food banks. Although he had heard about plans for jobs on wind farms (which some stakeholders in Chapter Seven believed could be a valuable source of employment for people in Eastland), he did not think "it's gonna employ the sort of people (laughs) that the fishing industry did". Among older participants it was common to hear that when they were younger they could

"walk out o' one job and go into another one" (Sue, Nearthorpe, 45-54, retired), in contrast to their perception of the local labour market today. This demonstrates changes from the 'golden age' of full employment and relatively smooth transitions between school, work, and other workplaces (Roberts, 2009).

Younger participants also perceived fewer job opportunities.

I know there isn't half as many job opportunities here now as what there was…when I turned 18…up to about 21 there was loads of different opportunities, you could've took, and now you're lucky if you even get factory work round here

Ros, Eastland, 25-34, looking after family

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Factory work, which had once been seen as a stable and desirable field of employment, was now placed at the bottom of the pile in terms of work choice, but even that did not mean it was easy to get work.

However, it was not just the quantity of work that seemed to have changed, but also the quality. Sarah and Matt's experience of contingent employment markets resulted in the redefinition of notions of 'security' as they focused on local seasonal jobs.

I used to work for an agency down south, and I used to be doing three or four jobs a day, and I used to have six month contracts at a time, and I prefer to have that than wondering where my next pay cheque is coming from

Matt, Eastland, 25-34, unemployed Work is so scarce…that six months does feel like it's secure…at least we know where our money's coming from for the next six months

Sarah, Eastland, 25-34, unemployed They adjusted perceptions of security to respond to the local labour market in which they found themselves, where there was seasonality in work. Six-month contracts became 'secure' compared to single factory shifts. Rachel (Eastland, 25-34, unemployed) felt that the lack of security in the local labour market made work less attractive because having done "a shift or two…you're back on the dole again, and it's waiting for paperwork and, it's not worth getting a job, place like that". This is one way in which people resisted the expectation to accept any work, as will be seen later in the chapter.

It might be expected that people who were unemployed or looking to change jobs might have more knowledge of the opportunities available in the local labour market because they are likely to be actively engaged in job searches.

However, this assumes that a person’s response to unemployment is to actively search for job opportunities – either locally or elsewhere. As will be discussed in the next section, this was not necessarily the most likely response, with some people dropping out of the labour market or focusing on training. This may help to explain why specific knowledge about opportunities was uncommon.

Impressions of the local labour market were often vague. James (Eastland, 25-34, unemployed), for example, talked about a large industrial park in which he thought a number of employers were concentrated, but he did not know the

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area well or where exactly it was. Mike and Ann were both in work but looking for new jobs; they were actively engaged in job searching and had a good knowledge of the types and location of opportunities available.

It used to be fish docks and now they all seem to have died a death, there's more…peripatetic care jobs, and a lot of things are agency workers now

Mike, Eastland, 45-54, care worker There isn't such a broad spectrum of jobs, it is all service sector and care sector. There's no manufacturing or anything like that

Ann, Eastland, 35-44, third sector employee The opportunities in the local area were seen as relatively restricted, and were not necessarily appropriate for Ann. This mismatch between skills and available opportunities was one reason the household was considering moving in the future.

Employed people who were not necessarily looking for work also had some knowledge of the local labour market. In Nearthorpe, Amir (25-34, surveyor) highlighted taxi driving, packing and warehouses, local businesses and the school as important local employers. Jo (25-34, looking after family) perceived lots of small businesses, shift work with anti-social hours, and fewer professionals. Although it was "difficult to quantify the amount of employment available" (Steve, 25-34, education employee), the area was seen as within reach of several areas of employment and with good links "within an hour in a car you can get really far on the M1". The local labour market for Steve was much broader than for someone like Matt (Eastland, 25-34, unemployed), which links back to their different experiences of looking for and travelling for work.

While Steve's career was something that had an important place in his life, and mobility was expected, Matt was resistant to travelling for work within the local area because he may be left out of pocket.

Participants who were less engaged with paid employment, for example parents looking after children, or the long-term sick and disabled were not unaware of the challenges of finding work. Their impression of work opportunities was formed via the experiences of friends and family. Ros (Eastland, 25-34, looking after family) talked about people complaining "about how hard it is to get work", and friends in work who were "worried about losing their jobs". Similarly Carol