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2 that the powers of the 'mouthpiece' were 'exceedingly great'.

The severest attack was made by W.H. Traill, former editor of the Bulletin, who elaborated the anxieties expressed by Reid in April 1891. Traill's arguments followed those of the Bulletin fairly closely. He objected that the Governor- General under the Constitution they were considering would

'not be at all responsible to the people of Australia'. As an officer of the Colonial Office,

he would be obliged to take any direction from that office. If he were instructed by the authorities of the British Parliament ... to propose certain amendments in a bill, he would be bound to do so, no matter what the people of this country might think about them.3

Other radical members expressed similar objections. J.D. Fitzgerald vowed:

1. The Times,4 April 1891.

2. W.H. Traill's phrase, N.S.W.P.D. (First Series), LXI, 1892, p. 2498.

I would tomorrow 'cut the painter', and sever this country from Great Britain if I were capable of doing it.l

The defiant tone of this statement points to the unreal nature of the objections to the powers of the Governor-General. Fitzgerald had no illusions that his attitude towards the

British connection was representative of any widespread body of opinion. The prevailing mood of the time was towards closer rather than looser ties with the Empire and the

strident speeches of the small band of radicals in the New South Wales Assembly in 1892-1893 who objected to the office

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of Governor-General reveal little real anticipation that their ideals would be attained. Much of the other criticism was more a convenient point of attack upon federalists

rather than the expression of deeply felt conviction.

The debate over the future role of the Governor-General in the federal schemes of the early 'nineties was left

unresolved. General opposition to federation in New South Wales led to the abandonment of the 1891 Draft Constitution. Too many in the colony felt that they would lose more than they gained by federation. Perhaps even more relevant was the widespread public and political apathy towards the question. When Barton resigned from office as Attorney General in December 1893, consideration of the Draft Constitution lapsed in New South Wales and the other

colonies were consequently forced to shelve the scheme also.

1. N.S.W.P.D., (First Series, LXI) 1892, p. 2517.

2. Others who spoke against the proposals were Job Sheldon, Thomas Walker, George Black and Arthur Rae.

The six years between the Federal Conventions of 1891 and 1897 were 'doldrum y e a r s ' f o r the federation issue, but a period of accelerated change in other spheres of colonial politics. One development which affected attitudes towards the Governor-General was an increasing sense of the value of Australia's connection with Great Britain and her Empire. By 1897 it had become generally accepted that Australian nationalism was compatible with continued membership of the Empire. The office of Governor-General, regarded by a few

in earlier years as a threat to colonial self-government was, by 1897, almost universally seen as a largely formal but

vital link with Empire.

One of the influences upon this consolidation of

attitudes was the further decline in the political role of Governor. In 1891 it could be argued that the formal

Instructions still allowed His Excellency potentially extreme 2 powers, especially if the political situation were unstable. But by 1897 it was no longer true that the colonial Governor had an active role in policy-making. The redrafting of their Instructions in 1892 was a recognition by the Imperial

authorities that the influence had declined during the

1. Professor La Nauze's phrase. 'A Little Bit of Lawyers' Language: The History of "Absolutely Free" 1890-1900', in A .W . Martin (ed.), Essays in Australian Federation

(Melbourne, 1969), p. 74.

2. Carrington's refusal to accept the resignation of the Colonial Treasurer of New South Wales, McMillan,

indicated that in critical circumstances a Governor's influence, judiciously used, could be decisive. See N.B. Nairn, 'A Note on a Colonial Treasurer's

Resignation' in Historical Studies, 13, no. 49 (October 1967), pp. 94-96.

'eighties. Whereas it had been usual for one Governor's term of office to cover several colonial Governments,^ in the ten years from 1890 to 1900 New South Wales had only four Premiers but five Governors. During the premiership of George Reid, 1894-1899, three Governors presided and

for lengthy periods the Lieutenant-Governor, Chief Justice Sir F.M. Darley, administered the Government. As a result the Governor's influence within the Executive Council, which had steadily declined after Robinson's term of office,

became insignificant in the 'nineties. Sir Robert Duff's 2

appointment of Reid as Premier was the last exercise of the power of almost independent appointment of his advisers

which had been a feature of the 'faction system' of government in New South Wales.

The advent of the Labor party and Reid's record term as Premier, brought a new stability to New South Wales politics. In the other colonies also there was a crystallization of

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