A multitude of factors are described that influence the transition process. These factors predict the adolescent’s ability to transition to secondary school by influencing social, emotional and academic balance (Brinthaupt, et al., 2007; Eman, 2013; Parker, 2009) and are evidenced at the individual, family, peer and institutional levels.
2.6.1 Individual predictors
In studies examining positive transition, predictors include well developed independence (Jindal-Snape & Foggie, 2008), supportive peer networks (Hanewald, 2013; Topping, 2011; Waters, et al., 2014), high motivation, achievement at school, positive self-esteem (Roeser, Eccles, & Freedman-Doan, 1999), developed personal values, decision making skills, and behavioural regulation (Barber & Olsen, 2004; Brinthaupt, et al., 2007; Chen & Gregory, 2009; Fenzel, 2000; Hughes, et al., 2013; Parker & Neuharth-Pritchett, 2009; Potter, et al., 2001; Topping, 2011). Additionally, while pre-transition concerns may not directly relate to academic attainment (Riglin, et al., 2013) fewer pre-transition behavioural problems, higher school liking, positive psychological functioning (Riglin, et al., 2013), a positive self-concept (Craven, Marsh, & Burnett, 2003; Opara & Onyekuru, 2013), connectedness to school, involvement in sports, art and extra-curricular activities (McGee, et al., 2003), and good maths and reading grades (Hakkarainen, Holopainen, & Savolainen, 2012; Paulick, et al., 2013; Riglin, et al., 2013; Roderick, 1993), have emerged as indicators of a successful transition. Turner (2007) also found that adolescents with a positive expectation of secondary school have a high similarity of transition beliefs and actual experiences, and report an easier adjustment to their new
circumstances. It is evident, however, that the greater portion of the reviewed literature takes a deficit view of transition.
The predictors for poor transition are highlighted throughout the literature, and particular adolescents will often evidence clusters of negative predictors prior to transition (Serbin, et al., 2013). Adolescents who are young in age, have low confidence and demonstrate low academic ability are at increased risk of poor transition as they are socially, emotionally, and academically unprepared for moving to a new school. (Anderson, et al., 2000; Cauley & Jovanovich, 2006; Chen & Gregory, 2009; Galton, et al., 2000; Hughes, et al., 2013; Serbin, et al., 2013). Children who have moved schools regularly are also at risk of poor transition, although the data is conflicting with the impact of mobility and instability not yet quantified (Bates, 2013; Neild, et al., 2008).
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2.6.1.1 Gender
Adolescents who are male are often considered as being at risk for poor transition based on literature that shows that boys generally underperform in maths and reading in comparison to girls at this stage (Serbin, et al., 2013), although examination of gender as a predictor of
transition has elicited mixed results (Rice, et al., 2011). Arens et al., (2013) found that boys and girls did not differ in their reactions to transition, and that puberty did not affect self-perception during transition, whereas other authors state that gender is important, finding boys show more disruptive behaviours through transition and girls adjust more quickly in relation to social aspects and self-esteem (McGee, et al., 2003; Serbin, et al., 2013). Interestingly, McGee et al., (2003) also found that neither single sex nor coeducational schools demonstrated better transition experiences. Generally, however, the research indicates transition is a greater
challenge for boys in terms of school functioning, while girls have problems with social groups (Anderson, et al., 2000; Benner & Graham, 2009; Bohnert, et al., 2013; Cauley & Jovanovich, 2006; Galton, et al., 1999; Hanewald, 2013; Hughes, et al., 2013; Mason, 1997; Topping, 2011; Wrigley & Lofsnaes, 2005).
2.6.1.2 Boarding school
The geographical move to an urban boarding school has been identified as an additional challenge for transitioning adolescents, particularly those from rural, remote or regional areas (Baills & Rossi, 2001; Hodges, Sheffield, & Ralph, 2013; Whyte & Boylan, 2008). The main issues expressed by boarders are homesickness, decreased self-concept, and the rigours of communal living (Baills & Rossi, 2001; Bramston & Patrick, 2007; Whyte & Boylan, 2008). Adolescents at boarding school have been found to exhibit higher incidences of emotional problems, depression, anxiety and stress (Fisher, Fraer, & Murray, 1984; Mander, Lester, & Cross, 2014), and are more likely to bully and be bullied in the two years post-transition than day students (Lester, Mander, & Cross, 2014). Several authors posit that this is due to the lack of readily available family support, which must be replaced by the boarding school’s
houseparents (Baills & Rossi, 2001; Fisher, et al., 1984; Hodges, et al., 2013; Mander, et al., 2014). These houseparents face a dilemma in providing adequate familial support for boarders while maintaining a professional distance, as forming relationships with boarding students can be impacted by staff movements and the legal complications surrounding child protection legislation (Hodges, et al., 2013). Additionally, high houseparent to student ratios (25:1) make important student-staff-school bonds difficult to foster, and for Indigenous students, may not provide the social, emotional and academic care necessary for a successful transition
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2.6.1.3 Special educational needs
Adolescents with special educational needs (SEN) have emerged as a major at-risk group in relation to primary to secondary school transition (Hanewald, 2013; Hughes, et al., 2013; Measor & Woods, 1984; Topping, 2011). In particular the predictors of low educational attainment, low self-esteem, and problem behaviour often cluster in SEN adolescents (Anderson, et al., 2000), and are linked to experiencing higher stress levels throughout the transition to secondary school (West, et al., 2008). While these adolescents express the same common transition worries and perceptions as non-SEN children, they can take longer to settle into secondary school and differential outcomes may be found in relation to the stressors of transition and the particular educational needs of the adolescent (Barnes-Holmes, Scanlon, Desmond, Shevlin, & Vahey, 2013; Maras & Aveling, 2006). Consequently, for SEN adolescents the discontinuity of resources and support previously available in the primary learning environment as they move into secondary school is a particular issue in transition (Maras & Aveling, 2006), along with social anxiety, social rejection, and keeping up with work requirements (Barnes-Holmes, et al., 2013). Lack of communication between primary and secondary school teachers about individual SEN requirements is also often encountered, so that children suffer socially embarrassing accidents or are chastised in the classroom – a serious social mishap (Barnes-Holmes, et al., 2013). Notably, parents have expressed the concern that the behaviour of SEN adolescents may be misinterpreted as trouble-making, thereby hindering the happiness and social integration of SEN adolescents into the new school (Barnes-Holmes, et al., 2013). Behavioural problems, while not wholly attributable to SEN adolescents, are an important predictor of transition for these and all adolescents (Anderson, et al., 2000; Cauley & Jovanovich, 2006; Chen & Gregory, 2009). Not surprisingly, SEN students are at risk for early school leaving (Hakkarainen, et al., 2012).
2.6.1.4 Ethnicity
Membership of a minority ethnic group has been found to predict a negative transition
experience (M Galton, I. Morrison, & T. Pell, 2000a; Galton, et al., 2000; Graham & Hill, 2003; Humphrey & Ainscow, 2006; McGee, et al., 2003; Riglin, et al., 2013). Changes in the ethnic makeup of classes (Hanewald, 2013), low socio-economic status (Topping, 2011; Wrigley & Lofsnaes, 2005), and a non-English speaking background (Topping, 2011) can lead to less cohesive social groups and exclusion post transition. Additionally, adolescents of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (ATSI) descent are likely to find the move to secondary school particularly stressful, especially if they are required to leave their community in order to study (Adermann & Campbell, 2010; What works: The work program, 2014). In 2004, only 40% of Indigenous adolescents attended secondary school in Australia, with 30% of these students
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leaving before completing Year 11 (Adermann & Campbell, 2010). Transition does, however, create an opportunity for schools to attend to and rectify the lack of academic progress and high school disengagement often seen in ATSI adolescents (QIECB, 2000; What works: The work program, 2014) through scaffolding students, and using innovative school and staffing approaches to value and respond to Indigenous culture, identity and diversity in the school environment (Waters, et al., 2014).
2.6.2 Family predictors
Family predictors in the form of parental monitoring, positive intervention (Hanewald, 2013; Jindal-Snape & Foggie, 2008; Van Ryzin, et al., 2012), promotion of autonomy, sensitivity to adolescent needs, parental emotional intimacy (Allhusen et al., 2004), high parent support (de Bruyn, 2005; Hanewald, 2013; Jindal-Snape & Foggie, 2008; McGee, et al., 2003; Rice, 1997; Van Ryzin, et al., 2012), and parental attachment (Duchesne, Ratelle, Poitras, & Drouin, 2009) are important predictors to ease the transition process. A more comprehensive list of negative family predictors are evident in the literature.
Family characteristics such as lack of mother attachment (Duchesne, et al., 2009), being from a blended or single-parent family (Duchesne, et al., 2009; Hughes, et al., 2013), having a
culturally and/or linguistically diverse background, and low socio-economic status (SES) (Hughes, et al., 2013) are described by many authors as predictors of poor transition to secondary school. In particular, low SES adolescents may not have access to parental support and home resources to facilitate a successful transition resulting in early school failure (Anderson, et al., 2000; McGee, et al., 2003; Serbin, et al., 2013). Additionally, non-western immigrants are generally low SES and can suffer from a pooling of disadvantage since many are refugees (Driessen, Sleegers, & Smit, 2008). School transition can be very difficult for families and adolescents not of the dominant culture, since learning and literacy styles may vary greatly and ‘success’ may be perceived very differently from that of the school (McGee, et al., 2003).
2.6.3 Peer predictors
Peer relationships have proved important in social and emotional development, and have strong links with academic achievement (Eman, 2013; Tobbell & O'Donnell, 2013). The transition to secondary school disrupts friendship networks at a time when they are becoming increasingly important in the lives of adolescents (McGee, et al., 2003). In a US study by Kingery & Eardley
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(2007) the quality of peer relationships was tested pre- and post-transition in 146 students and the quality of pre-transition relationships were identified as an important predictor for school transition. Indeed pre-existing friendships are of particular importance to adolescents who are having difficulty transitioning to secondary school – these friendships support confidence and provide a ‘comfort zone’ (Weller, 2007). Maintenance of the social capital inherent in primary school friendships is necessary, especially if adolescents are moving to a secondary school away from their primary school networks, as this has implications for their development of new friendships and connectedness to the new school (Weller, 2007). Old school relationships support new school connectedness by representing a shared past, which fades as adolescents make new relationships in the new setting with friends that more closely fit their emerging selves (Weller, 2007). Moving to secondary school with friends or acquaintances helps to provide continuity and enables the development of new friendships by acting as transitional supports (Weller, 2007).
2.6.4 Institutional predictors
The school as an institution has an important role to play in the transition experience, and understanding the needs of the cohort when developing the learning environment is necessary for successful transition (Eccles & Roeser, 2011; Ellerbrock & Kiefer, 2013; Holdsworth, 2010; McGee, et al., 2003). A larger secondary school with traditional structures that are isolating and complex can fail to match the developmental needs of transitioning adolescents leading to school disengagement and decreased motivation (Eccles et al., 1993; Eccles & Roeser, 2011; McGee, et al., 2003). McGee et al, (2003) makes the point in their literature review that “liaison between primary and secondary schools is often viewed with suspicion” (pg. 21) and this lack of basic readiness to collaborate could be rationalised as the basis of the educational
discontinuity influencing primary to secondary school transition (Griebel & Berwanger, 2006; McGee, et al., 2003). Indeed Griebel & Berwanger (2006) state that a “precondition for transition is an intensified co-operation between primary school, secondary school and the parental home”. Additionally, information from the primary school is often ignored, not utilised, or never given to the teacher(s) in the new school (Balfanz, 2009; McGee, et al., 2003), partly due to the wide variation of assessments and marking schemas used in primary schools (McGee, et al., 2003). A responsive school environment that promotes personalisation, competence, care, autonomy and relationships enhances motivation and connectedness to school (Eccles & Roeser, 2011; Ellerbrock & Kiefer, 2013; Holdsworth, 2010). Research has also shown that connectedness to school predicts a positive transition and results in less problem behaviour (Carter, et al., 2007; Resnick, et al., 1997), increased educational motivation (Stumpers, Breen,
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Pooley, Cohen, & Pike, 2005), less absenteeism (Russell, Mielke, Palmiter, Turner, & Vaden, 2012; Stevens, Bourdeaudhuij, & Van Oost, 2000; Vieno, Perkins, Smith, & Santinello, 2005), and less anxiety and depression (Anderman & Leake, 2007; Resnick, et al., 1997; Shochet, Dadds, Ham, & Montague, 2006), and children who have had assistance to settle into their new school are more connected to the new school, and more likely to have a positive transition (Maras & Aveling, 2006; Measor & Woods, 1984). Activities that bring primary and secondary schools together are essential for an institutional context that promotes successful transition, and should include all key issues such as school visits, orientation and induction activities, supports and services, information exchange and records keeping (McGee, et al., 2003). School-home communication also influences a successful transition by being mutually reinforcing and creating continuity (Coffey, 2009; Jackson & Davis, 2000; Rice, 1997).
Teacher-student relationship quality predicts a successful transition, and provides support to students through warmth and friendliness, enthusiasm, having reasonable expectations (Brinthaupt, et al., 2007), and being capable and trained in teaching adolescents (Andrews & Bishop, 2008). In a study by Resnick, et al., (1997) teacher support was found to predict better peer relationships and academic success (Resnick, et al., 1997). Other authors have
subsequently confirmed the importance of teacher support as being crucial to student motivation and personal, interpersonal and academic success (Hanewald, 2013; Hughes, et al., 2013; Speering & Rennie, 1996; Stumpers, et al., 2005).
Class sizes and a dedicated physical space for the transitioning cohort are important
environmental predictors (NSWDET, 2006), and if not optimal may make the new school seem especially threatening particularly for those who bully others, or are bullied themselves (Felner, Seitsinger, Brand, Burns, & Bolton, 2007). Classrooms in the same vicinity, staying with the same class groups for most subjects, common areas, alternative forms of class scheduling, and a limited number of teachers for the group helps provide a ‘home base’ in the school for the transitioning students (Jackson & Davis, 2000; McGee, et al., 2003). Research by Galton et al., (Galton, et al., 2000) also revealed that secondary schools with large numbers of feeder schools have some difficulty in successfully transitioning students.