The Presentation Of Self

T h e discourse of m u ltic u ltu ra lism (see C h a p te r l) focuses a tte n tio n on th e mixed

h eritag e and plu rality of backgrounds possessed by A u stralians. Today m any

places and occasions exist - national days, festivals and cerem onies - where

m ino rity groups present th eir d istinctiveness th ro u g h th eir food. They therefore

p a rtic ip a te actively in the creation of c u ltu ral d iversity in contem po rary A u stralia.

T his ch a p te r directs a tte n tio n to ju s t one of these places w here pluralism is

presented; the ethnic re s ta u ra n t. I analyse ten V ietnam ese re s ta u ra n ts located in

C a n b e rra as th e a tre s of action created and controlled by V ietnam ese iGoffman

19651. Here th e re s ta u ra n t staff - the core a t least belong to the sam e nha - use

food to guide and control ideas A u stra lia n s form ab o u t them . In the process

re s ta u ra n te u rs co n stru ct an id en tity b o th credible to outsiders and ad van tag eo u s to

them selves. A t first glance this would seem to indicate V ietnam ese auto no m y .

However th e food served m arks th e V ietnam ese as a m arginalized people. D espite

ad vertised professions directing a tte n tio n to th e "genuine", " tra d itio n a l" and " a u th e n tic " n a tu re of th e food, th e m ate ria l discussed below shows some of the w ays in which V ietnam ese in C a n b e rra have tra n sfo rm ed and re-in terp reted their cuisine to accom odate the A u stralian consum er.

T he re s ta u ra n t, a bounded social w orld invariab ly cu t off from outside view by

thick cu rta in s draw n day and n ig h t, lends itse lf to a G offm an-style 1965j of

analysis of "im pressions m anaged" by th e V ietnam ese in the regions therein . The

se ttin g is th e locus of a people who have been propelled th ro u g h controversy

su rro un din g their arriv al (see C h a p te r 1) into self-consciously co n stru ctin g a sense

of ethnic selfhood th a t focuses on V ietnam ese civility and diligence. However as

Goffm an 1965-11 w rites any projected definition also has a m oral ch aracter.

Inasm uch as individuals or groups a rtic u la te social iden tity th ro u g h valued

c h a ra c te ristic s, they feel en titled to be tre a te d in accordance w ith those a ttrib u te s . T h u s "m anaged im pressions" compel outsiders to tak e seriously th e group image th a t is being presented and to respond ap p ro p riate ly .

On en terin g th e m ajority of V ietnam ese re s ta u ra n ts in C a n b e rra I was

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flag; the wooden plaques carved in the image of V ietnam w ith th e 17th parallel still in ta c t; religious sym bols, some for show in th e dining or public area (I recall in p articu la r a large im ita tio n jad e B uddha g ath erin g d u st in one en trance), and o th ers telling not only of to d a y 's owners, but also of y e ste rd ay ’s [see A ppendix Mai

and Caoi. Invariably th e designated place of shrines in daily use is in th e

in te rm e d ia te region, th a t section found close to the kitchen which staff claim as

th eir own when custom ers are n o t around. R e s ta u ra n t nam es recall beauty spots

acclaim ed by V ietnam ese, F rench, and A m ericans alike - D alat. Vung T au , and

Cuu Long. O thers sim ply m ark th e place as V ietnam ese - T he V iet or The

Saigon. Clocks, som etim es tw o or even three, a few bearing sp o n ser’s logos feature

in th e front region. These are a rem inder of the place and p o p u larity of wall

clocks as prestigious goods in V ietnam during the 1960’s [Hendry 1964-204].

Designs of pearl inlaid wood, a few calendars provided by local C hinese grocers and n o t uncom m only a gilt-fram ed European p asto ral scene share th e walls w ith

pictures and posters of a m ore Asian tone. Some of th e la tte r depict wet rice

ag ricu ltu re and sem i-tropical landscapes found alm ost anyw here in Asia. O thers

recall specifically V ietnam ese tra d itio n s. P a rtic u la rly popular are etchings of T et

celebrations and V eneration of th e Elders, available from C a n b e rra ’s "art-deco" shops.

T hus the sp atial order of th e dining area com prises m ore th a n th e physical m an ifestatio n , or p ro d u ct, of a c tiv itie s conducted in th e re s ta u ra n t. It am o un ts to

a sp a tia l "tex t" M oore 1986-81]. The fro n t region p o rtra y s th e religious and

political ideology of th e p ro p rie to r and incorporates th e others - C hinese, E uropean

and A m erican - who h istorically privilege V ietnam ese ia e n tity . In addition the

in terio r reflects th e social condition s currently confronting V ietnam ese in A ustralia. For w ith o u t exception, all p ro p rie to rs recognize and respond to the A ustralian clien tele’s expectation of a V ietnam ese am bience - fostered by th e incorp oration of rice paper and bam boo, V ietnam ese music, and w aiters and w aitresses of Asian

appearance - to com plim ent th e m eal. The re s ta u ra n te u rs use space to inform and

su p p o rt the food to come, effectively signaling th eir recognition th a t so-called V ietnam ese ethnic food in A u stra lia a tta in s w orth th ro u g h association w ith th e V ietnam ese cu ltu ral h eritage.

S ta te m e n ts of "who we are" fu rth e r exem plified th ro u g h th e a rra n g e m e n t of the

r e s ta u ra n t’s in terio r space are displays of com petence. T he expertise of cooks -

"C h e f/h o st ex Dong Nai R e s ta u ra n t, Bien Hoa, V ietn am " - and p h o to s ta t copies of

aw ards and recom m endations of excellence are p lastered to doors and w alls. These

include glowing rep o rts w ritte n by the local p a p e r’s g astron om ic correspo nd en t and

being "the first" or "the original", or with having "introduced" Vietnamese cuisine to Canberra. All are ethnically significant in terms of communicating distinctiveness by way of an historical account of the Vietnamese arrival in Australia Cohen 1969-202!. But these claims and counter-claims also reflect differentiation within the Vietnamese group. They draw attention to the distinctiveness of this establishment vis-a-vis the rest, and assure the would-be customer of the appropriateness of this team for the job. their ability and their authenticity. Indeed I found it of considerable personal importance for Vietnamese to have their role as the leading force in the original student partnership (see Chapter 4), or superior knowledge of Vietnamese cuisine, recognised by compatriots.

The food offered is referred to as superlatively "traditional", "genuine" and "authentic”. Thus customers come to know they are spending their money on "the real thing", an impression supported by long and complex menus often sporting in excess of eighty items. Offers of house specialities, banquets and catering services not only seal the ability of the chef but also recognize the importance of those at the tables. Deferential behaviour indicates how welcome and highly regarded the patrons are. "We smile a lot so people like us" is a familiar remark of Vietnamese dealing directly with customers. Indeed as Barth 11970- 16i points out

stable inter-ethnic relations presuppose a set of prescriptions governing situations of contact. In response the diner is morally obliged to conduct him/herself well, thus ensuring both parties are at ease and so reducing the danger of the inter-ethnic encounter.1

But what of the meal itself? The Vietnamese were colonized by China for just on a thousand years, eventually freeing themselves (as Vietnamese see it) in 939 AD Burling 1965-106; Hinh Nguyen Duy 1984-1,. Many aspects of Vietnamese culture still bear the mark of Chinese domination. Indeed the profound Chinese contribution to what and how the Vietnamese eat is immediately apparent, something of importance to entrepreneurs who lay claim to a distinct and original product. Nevertheless restauranteurs are confident in their assessment of characteristics uniquely Vietnamese. They are quick to point out the greater use Vietnamese make of fresh vegetables, fruit and herbs. Vietnamese informants believe their "lighter" food is due in part to the Vietnamese preference for boiling and steaming rather than cooking in oil. lack of dependence on cornflour as a thickening agent, or sticky sauces such as "sweet and sour". They grill and roast,

^lt is w o rt h n o ti c in g the f r e q u e n c y w ith w h i c h g a s t r o n o m i c re port er s rem ark on s t a n d a r d s of serv ic e and how har sh ly a r e s ta u r a n t is j u d g e d if it fails in this area , as h a p p e n e d to an A C T V i e t n a m e s e re sta u r a n t early in 1986 see T h e C a n b e r r a T i m e s 8 / 5 / 8 6 - 8 ) .

60

th e food is drier and of course they rely on th eir fam ous fish sauce nuoc m a m for

flavoring. In sh o rt V ietnam ese focus on the w ays in which their food differs from

C h in e se.' And in th eir estim atio n V ietnam ese food is both superior and more

h ealth y th a n Chinese. T h us th e distinctiveness of th eir food defines the lim its of

th e social group, and when praising th e fine qu ality of V ietnam ese food the

re s ta u ra n te u rs are in fact celeb rating V ietnam ese cu ltu ral cohesion. However I

found V ietnam ese who are n o t involved in the re s ta u ra n t trad e less certain in their

assessm ents. Some a d m it they are unsure of th e difference betw een Chinese and

V ietnam ese food; one believes th e C hinese are b e tte r cooks. A n o th er inform ant

to ld me "a com plete m enu" could not be com piled from purely V ietnam ese dishes

alone. The la tte r highlights not only th e im p o rtan ce of Chinese culinary legacy,

b u t also the V ietnam ese conception of A u stra lia n ways of eating an d , by

im p licatio n , the A u stra lia n c h a ra c te r d etailed in th e pages below.

W hile some in fo rm an ts recognise th a t it is n o t alw ays clear exactly which is a C hinese and which a V ietnam ese dish, can a n y th in g be said ab o u t th e co n stitutio n

of a recognizably V ietnam ese m eal in V ietnam ? Are the sam e elem ents discerned

in V ietnam ese re s ta u ra n ts in C an b erra? For th e m ass of the populace in V ietnam

a m eal is based on th e alim en tary trilogy of rice, fish and nuoc m a m . The

w ealthy m ay add beef, chicken or pork, and festival days are m arked by all who

can w ith a m eat dish of some so rt. B ut for everyone rice, usually prepared

sep arately ra th e r th a n m ixed w ith o th er foodstuffs, is th e pivot of th e meal. The

central place of rice is also evidenced by its association w ith psychological security (see C h a p te r 4), and presence a t religious events ind icating th a t it is a sustenance

w orthy of the ancestors. M eals may be m ore in te restin g w ith the a d d itio n of m eat

and vegetables, b u t rice is indispensable. N uo c m a m . the liquid drained off

co n tain ers of sa lt and fish and allowed to ferm en t, is also considered essential.

These key elem ents - the cen tral place of rice and nuoc m a m - continue in the

V ietnam ese re s ta u ra n ts of C an b erra. They have been joined by "em blem ic" foods

P ro ste rm a n 1984: such as cha gio7 and p/io,* * 3 4 ethn ic m arkers which custom ers take

as epitom izing V ietnam ese fare. C ha gio are described as "V ietnam ese spring rolls"

or even "V ietnam ese Im perial spring rolls". Well m ight th e uninform ed or

u n in itia ted ask "how do they differ from spring rolls A u stralian s have long

o

“Inform ants did not call my a tten tio n to any of the m ajor schools of Chinese cuisine - C antonese, T eochui or Sechw an, for exam ple. Rather they sim ply invok ed a parallel between V ietnam ese and Chinese cuisine.

3

^These are spring rolls filled w ith m inced pork and seafood and served with a dipping sauce of vinegar, sugar, grated carrot, nuoc m a m and perhaps a little chilli.

procured from Chinese re s ta u ra n ts ? " Chinese spring rolls, I was to ld , are "big, fat, oily, thin gs Filled w ith vegetable, especially (cheap) cabbage, and no (expensive) m e a t" . My V ietnam ese in fo rm an t finds it "im possible" to eat them .

D istinctiveness lies, how ever, not ju s t in the food b u t also in th e way it is eaten. T he utensils used for food p rep a ra tio n in V ietnam ese kitchens bear w itness to the C hinese heritage; stir-fry er, cleaver and chopping block for slicing food into small p o rtio n s, and rice cooker which is unique in th a t it is not interch ang eable w ith

o th e r cooking vessels. So do th e im plem ents V ietnam ese employ for eating - chop­

sticks which form an extension of th u m b and forefinger, a p p ro p ria te to food

needing no fu rth e r c u ttin g and used in conjunction w ith sm all bowls. A ustralian s

have come to expect these acco u trem en ts, accom panied by sm all dishes of sauce and cups of tea, b u t in V ietnam ese eyes A u stra lia n s fail to em ploy them properly. T h u , for exam ple, expressed asto n ish m en t a t A u stra lia n reluctance to lift th e bowl

from th e tab le and tak e it to th e m outh. T he A u stra lia n practice of leaving the

bowl firmly on the tab le c o n tra d ic ts T h u 's conception of the recognised way to