1.3 Research Design and Methods
1.3.3 Problems in the Course of the Research
All research necessarily has limitations and since the outcome of a research is influenced by the interpretation of observers based on their ideas, values and previous experiences, the evaluation process often bears the risk of being filtered by the subjective analysis of the researcher. Thus, knowledge is often political. In addition, it is also often a challenge, if not impossible, to gather sufficient amount of data and conduct a “perfect” research.167
For instance, first-hand information is often limited and difficult to reach.168 Although these handicaps may lead to “uncertainty about our conclusions,” they should nevertheless not hold researchers back from conducting research.169
One of the challenges of this research was that most of the participants were elites from various ministries, state institutions and non-governmental organizations. As such, there is a danger of bias, because they are likely to say what their institutions want them to say, and are unlikely to be critical of Turkish policy. Similarly, they may also limit what they say
166 See Appendix 6: Ethical Approval Letter.
167 Gary King, Robert O. Keohane and Sidney Verba, Designing Social Inquiry: Scientific Inference in Qualitative Research, Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994, 6.
168 Ibid. 169 Ibid.
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since there may be things they will not want to reveal. As argued by Moore and Stokes, elites are “individuals and collectives that form a separate and distinct echelon or grouping in a given society or section of society.”170
As such, “they can be seen to have knowledge, influence, control and power in a given setting or situation.”171
It is nevertheless difficult to speak of a homogenous group of elites since their “knowledge, influence, control and power” may vary according to their status in the society or their given organization as well as the fluidity of a given context. For instance, given the volatility of the political environment in Somalia, it is difficult to speak of a stable and continuous elite structure. Nevertheless, the participants of this research were selected among key informants who were assumed to have first-hand information about the topic.
Even if there are biases, as also underlined by Delaney, elite interviewing also enables a researcher to understand the worldview of the decision makers providing them with valuable insights.172 As such, despite the fact that bureaucrats who are on active duty may be restrained to say everything about policy, what they say allowed me to interrogate how they talk about Turkish mediation, and therefore, gave me evidence about how people with a stake in its mediation articulate Turkey’s policy.
The interviews showed how officials interpret the parameters available to them in carrying out Turkey’s mediation policy. They also enabled me to see how difficulties are dealt with and potential contradictions smoothed out. In order to avoid loops in my analysis to the possible extent, I tried to crosscheck the data provided by the participants by comparing and contrasting it with that of other participants or the secondary resources to the possible
170 Neil Moore and Peter Stokes, "Elite Interviewing and the Role of Sector Context: An Organizational Case
from the Football Industry", Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal 15, no.4, 2012, 439-440.
171
Ibid, 440.
172 Kevin J. Delaney, “Methodological Dilemmas and Opportunities in Interviewing Organizational Elites,” Sociology Compass 1, no.1, 2007: 208-221.
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extent. This study is primarily based on data gathered from these interviews which provide a great deal of original information. This information was also supplemented with published sources that gave additional information in their own right. Using published sources also enabled me to cross check information.
As also argued by Zuckerman, conducting semi-structured interviews and asking open- ended questions are often essential and facilitative in elite interviews since elite subjects do not want to be restricted by structured questions.173 Similarly, Moore and Stokes argue that elites “do not like to be strait-jacketed and cornered; rather they often wish to be diplomatic or measured in their responses.”174
In order to ease the tension and make the participants feel more comfortable with the process, I started the interviews with more general and easier questions such asking the participants how they define Turkey’s mediation or how this role has emerged before moving towards more difficult or challenging questions such as the ones on Turkey’s interests in mediation or its impartiality.
Laurila argues that gaining access to elite participants is also difficult.175 I tried to be as resourceful as I could by utilizing my existing network among policy and academic circles to be able to secure interviews. Although I was always careful to explain that I was conducting an academic study based in a UK university, so there was no possibility of their thinking I was either a journalist, or another Turkish policy maker, there were, nevertheless, certain people I was unable to reach as a result of their busy schedule or unwillingness to participate in the research. I also chased conferences and meetings to meet potential participants. This was especially helpful in meeting people from Somalia
173 Harriet Zuckerman, “Interviewing an Ultra-Elite”, The Public Opinion Quarterly 36, no.2, 1972: 163. 174
Moore and Stokes, "Elite Interviewing and the Role of Sector Context,” 444.
175 Juha Laurila, “Promoting Research Access and Informant Rapport in Corporate Settings: Notes from
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since I was unable to travel there due to security reasons and the likelihood that the university ethical review process would not have permitted it.
Another problem faced in the course of this research was the outbreak of the Arab Spring. The course of the Arab Spring changed the parameters of Turkish policy towards the region to a certain extent and particularly towards Syria. In a way, it brought Turkey’s ambitious foreign policy to a halt. Subsequently, for Turkey, mediation has turned from being an instrument of expanding its area of influence to one of preserving its existing power. The Arab Spring also demonstrated the limits of Turkish foreign policy and its mediation thereof. Although, demonstrating an extensive analysis of Turkey’s policy during the Arab Spring is out of the scope of this thesis, its mediation in the Syrian-Israeli case cannot be analysed in isolation from the changing context. Therefore, there are occasional references to the period of the Arab Spring throughout the thesis to be able to draw out certain inferences regarding the potentials and limits of Turkey’s mediation.
1.4 Conclusion
This chapter aimed to set out an introduction to the thesis. It discussed the research question and rationale, situated the subject matter within the existing literature on international mediation and Turkish foreign policy, and explained the research design and methods. This thesis will look into why and how Turkey mediates, and on what premises one is able to say that Turkey mediates differently. The following chapter will draw a comprehensive framework to answer the question of how difference in international mediation can be identified through different themes and indicators and how these indicators can be applied on different mediation cases. Chapter 3 will elaborate on the background that paved the way for the emergence of Turkey’s mediator role as a result of a shift in Turkey’s foreign policy. Chapter 4 and 5 will draw on two case studies namely,
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Turkish mediation in the Syrian-Israeli talks and in Somalia aiming to conduct an empirical study that will test the theoretical discussions brought out in the previous chapter. Chapter 6 will be a concluding chapter in which a final discussion will be raised regarding Turkey’s difference as a mediator.
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