It is important to briefly trace the historical and sociological arguments surrounding the
‘classical’professions (Crook, 2008), specifically exploring how the term is used in contemporary society. This will facilitate understanding and bring meaning to the term professional identity when applied to FE teachers who have been researched in this study.
2.1.1 The classical professions
Crook (2008) argues that the word profession was first used to describe the ‘classical’ medieval occupations of clergymen, medial physicians and early practitioners of law. Consistent traits of these roles included a significant amount of formal training and gaining experience, and the profession of an oath declaring a deep commitment to one’s clients. In return for their knowledge and expertise society bestowed esteem, status and freedom from “lay supervision” on these occupations and they rapidly became regarded as elite occupations (Rueschemeyer, 1983:41).
As modern society developed, further occupations sought the same professional status. The impact of the industrial revolution in Britain in the 18th and 19th centuries had a
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profound impact on work. During this period engineers and architects were added to the classical group of professions. The term used to describe occupations seeking professional recognition became known as professionalisation (Johnston, 1972).
2.1.2 The trait and power theories of professions
A definitive definition of a professional, or what occupation is deemed a profession, is hugely contested (Friedson, 1994, Hoyle, 2001). Studies of professional groups have broadly adopted two main approaches to analyse their behaviour, these are the ‘trait’ and ‘power’ approach (Friedson, 1994). Within the trait approach, historically sociologists have sought to create a list of consistent traits found within professional groups (Johnston, 1972), which according to Robson (2006:7), include “autonomy, altruism, specialist knowledge and responsibility”. The other consistent trait that is found in professions is a formal collective membership body or institution, to which all individual professionals must belong (Crook, 2008). Within this corporate body, professions take responsibility for their own members in terms of their practice and conduct.
According to Eraut (1994) a weakness of applying this trait model to different
occupations is that lists are subjective. He argues some occupations will ‘score’ highly in some areas, and lower in others. He also argues that some traits are culturally specific. Occupations that score most highly when using the trait model, he argues, are the classical professions, and those deemed by society to hold the most power (ibid).
2.1.3 Challenges to the ‘professions’
The ‘power’ approach to studying professionals rose to the fore in the mid-20th century. Up until the 1960s it was generally argued by sociologists that professions’ power was legitimate, due to their high sense of moral probity and altruism in relation to wider society (Friedson, 1994). However during the 1960s and 70s some political and social scientists such as Gilb (1966), Johnston (1972) and Larson (1977) argued that the power professions held was not always used to serve the best interests of society and individuals. They argued that professionals, gathered together in a ‘body’ or
association, used their power and autonomy to serve the interests of their members, increase their own status and act as ‘gatekeepers’ to those entering the profession. Successive governments of the late-20th century and early-21st century have broadly
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accepted this view that certain professions have become too powerful, and sought to challenge their power over who enters certain professions, and their self-regulation (BBC 2008).
Despite some negative perceptions of the classic professions’ power, many occupational groups have purposefully sought to professionalise and become
recognised as a professional group. One of the key drivers for this is the status, prestige and esteem that is bestowed upon the ‘higher’ professional groups by society together with higher remuneration (Hoyle, 2001).
2.1.4 Professional formation
This thesis is primarily concerned with gaining a better understanding of the
professional formation process that FE teachers go through in their journey from work to FE teaching. One way of doing this is to discuss this process from research carried out into other professional occupations.
Professional formation is the process that new entrants complete to achieve their full recognised professional status. It has been described as “the beginning of a journey into professionalism” (Colquhoun and Kelly, 2014:64). There are consistent components of the formation process seen in the classic and ‘new’ professions which according to Eraut (1994) can include the following. Firstly, there is a period of learning their ‘craft’ from an expert, known as pupilage or internship, which may involve spending time at a professional college outside the HE system. Secondly there is usually a qualifying examination set by or formed in consultation with the professional body, which will involve a period of study at an academic institution such as a college or university leading to a recognised academic qualification. Thirdly a collection of evidence of achievement of practical competencies in the form of a logbook or portfolio is often used as part of the formation process (Eraut, 1994:6).
Historically when occupations have sought to be recognised as professions, they have been assessed either formally by an organisation, or informally by society against certain criteria. Part of this is having their professional formation process closely scrutinised. A further characteristic of professional formation is the mandatory joining of the occupations’ professional body, mentioned briefly above as a key trait of the
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traditional professions. The complex and often disputed professional formation journey that FE teachers undergo is the central theme of this study, which will be examined in much detail later in chapter 3.