Behold, I send you forth as sheep in the midst of wolves: be ye therefore wise as serpents, and harmless as doves. (Mt. 10:16) To get at the core of the Jesuits’ lived Accommodation experience (in order to finally theorize upon the phenomenon’s experiential qualities) the historical development and occurrences that account for the Accommodation
experience are elaborated in all its thick, noematic facets: Chronologically between 1579 and 1742
Locally between Macao and Beijing
Experientially between entrance and expulsion
In so following this particular via experientiae, the evolving, strong, and meaningful noematic-textural description/elucidation, as explained in this chapter, makes visible the invisible texture that underlies the Jesuits’ lived Accommodation experience. It also highlights the order’s persistence in accommodating the Gospel to a Chinese environment—to enable,
implement, and guide conversion/change in the Chinese context. In retracing the Jesuits’ lived Accommodation experience during their stay in China (1583-1742) and relating the evolvement, refinement, and history of the Accommodation approach in China permits the discernment and synthesis of meaning-units/thematic clusters. To and around these anchors, a strong, meaningful, and informed thematic analysis using a reflective
phenomenological approach can be woven. Unravelling the “experiential structures” (van Manen, 1990, p. 79) enables hermeneutic interpretation to capture “the communalities of experience” (Ayres et al., 2003, p. 873) across the various sources under re-search. By perambulating through the stations of the Accommodation experience, it becomes possible to analyse the noetic- structural aspects of the phenomenon to arrive at its eidos, its core of
meaning. The invariant substance of the phenomenon can then be tested via imaginative variation—as done in Chapter 7—in order to finally enable the generation of theoretical ideas about the essential qualities of the
To achieve this identification of the essential qualities, the two-tier approach (detailed in Chapter 4) is applied, while the preconceptions (outlined in Chapter 5) are held in abeyance.
As the Jesuits’ entire experiential journey spans over 160 years, seven stations, and three phases, the comprehensive and substantial process of thematic analysis will be exemplified only by way of the first station: Traffic and Travail (1579-1583). It comprises the initial part of the first phase: Concentration.
The meaning-units/thematic clusters of the six other stations and remaining phases are only briefly introduced/contextualized in the main text and summarized in tabular form. They include the following phases:
1. Gaining Footholds (1583-1595), Change of Ends (1585-1595)—both parts of the Concentration phase
2. Amongst Equals (1595-1601), Heaven and Earth (1599-1644)—both parts of the Conduct phase
3. E pluribus unum (1610-1702), Paradise Lost (1702-1742)—both parts of the Consolidation phase
In the tabular form, the variant constituents are
added as they emerge, form, and build up along the chronological, local, and experiential journey towards winning China for Christ;
classified as belonging to either the traditional or to the further (new) classification of Accommodation; and
already assigned to the eight essential themes/invariant constituents as finally isolated and validated in Chapter 7.
The broad and detailed process of thematic analysis with regard to both the single stations|stages and phases is given in its entirety in Appendices V-X. However, to allow further contextualization and provide a convenient
overview, Table 20 summarizes the attendant discussions as they feed into the Tables 13-19.
The Missionary Commission, outlined at the beginning of this chapter and originally referring to Jesus sending out his disciplesto heal and preach among a less receptive audience (Frankemölle, 1997; Gnilka, 1986; Grilli & Langner, 2010), can also be applied to the Jesuits’ lived experience in accommodating themselves and the Gospel to an unknowing, at the worst, hostile Chinese environment (Spence, 1988).
Even if China at that time did not have foreign missionaries face perilous dangers or present manifold possibilities to gain the crown of martyrdom (Brockey, 2007), the Mission Discourse’s underlying understanding of the following realities runs like a thread through the Jesuits’ via experientiae:
Duty of accommodating missionaries and Gospel to every prevailing situation (Thauren, 1927)
Focus on a receptive, or Laodicean, or deprecative audience, or on each group at once (Frankemölle, 1997; Grilli & Langner, 2010)
Difficulty of the enterprise, the imponderability of its development, and the frustrations of its day-to-day business (Brockey, 2007)
Steps to be taken, decisions to be made, talents to be developed/applied, attitudes to be retained, and opportunities to be seized (Gnilka, 1986) It pervades the Fathers’ chronological, local, and experiential journey towards winning China for Christ (Rienstra, 1986), and thus allows meaning-
units/thematic clusters (hereafter accented by underlining) to shine through. However, unlike various impressions the groundwork of the Jesuits’ journey was established long before the Order gained foothold in China. To thus uncouple the missionaries’ personal attributes and actions from a later imposed teleological superstructure and any form of unjustified
personification (Winston & Bane, 2010), but first of all to
assist in understanding the (timeless) distinctiveness of the Fathers’ Accommodation approach in China;
appreciate the (future) significance of their pro-active and re-active adaptation to the Chinese environment; and
Traffic and Travails (1579-1583)
As every journey to be travelled begins with a foot placed down, Laozi’s
quote of qianlizhixing, shiyuzuxia- (Daodejing 64:11-12),
applies to the Jesuits lived Accommodation experience accordingly. To start the missionizing enterprise of winning China for Christ (Rienstra, 1986), Alessandro Valignano (1539-1606)—since September 1573 appointed plenipotentiary Visitor to all Jesuit Missions and for all Jesuit activities east of the Cape of Good Hope (von Collani, 2012b)—took this initial step into nearly 200 years of journey in 1579. Benefitting from his brief look behind the
Chinese face, Valignano was convinced that capitalizing on Chinese respect for erudition and knowledge (Ricci, 2010a; Schütte, 1951; Sebes, 1988) and profiting from Chinese curiosity and desire for practical learning (Brockey, 2007; Flichy, 2012; Gallagher, 1953; Lewis, 1988; Ricci, 2010a; Rowbotham, 1966; Standaert, 1991a, 2008b) would open the Chinese doors and minds to everything presented in a refined, civilized, and hence, Chinese way (Bond, 1991; Brockey, 2007; Leys, 1987; Zürcher, 1994).
To counteract Chinese resentment and to ward off any form of Chinese xenophobic attitude (Bertuccioli, 1997; Brockey, 2007; Oberholzer, 2010; Rowbotham, 1966; von Collani; 2000a; Wang, 1991b), avoiding any references towards a—in fairness, unsubstantiated—European cultural superiority at that time was necessary (Leys, 1987; Rienstra, 1986; Sebes, 1988).
Capitalizing on a comprehensive rear cover—presented in Precursors and Preliminaries—Valignano’s first policy decision on the following exceeded any form of simple, superficial social mimicry:
Differentiating Jesuit missionaries from the faceless, often uncivilized horde of traders that populated the semi-annual trade fairs in mainland China (Brockey, 2007, Franke, 1967; Hsü, 2000)
Permanently getting beyond the apparently impenetrable “bamboo curtain” (Charbonnier, 2007, p. 139)
Positioning missionaries and Christianity as a leaven (Mt. 13:33) to guide conversion and change from within (Hsü, 2000)
His procedure stated “that all who were assigned to missionary work in China must, as a necessary preliminary, learn to read, write, and speak” (Sebes, 1988, p. 33) guanhua- -Mandarin-the Nanjing dialect of the erudite class, the Literati, and officials, and the Chinese lingua franca of the day (Boxer, 2004; Brockey, 2007; D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:144 N. 204; Marcocchi, 1997; Ricci, 2010a; Wang, 1991e)—to understand and be likewise understood; hence, “haque quisque instruencus est ut intelligat” (Thauren, 1927, p. 132).
Additionally, to later better blend in the new, receiving environment and to be invited into Chinese huts and hearts, Valignano ordered all missionaries to become familiar with Chinese culture, customs, and etiquette (Brockey, 2007; Hsü, 2000; Marcocchi, 1997; Peterson, 1994; Raguin, 1990; Ricci, 2010a; Sebes, 1988; Zürcher, 1994), thus aiming to
win respect, esteem, and confidence of the Chinese of all ranks (Chan, 1988; Leys, 1987); and
cease to be strangers to (future) Christian converts (Hoey, 2010). Valignano’s policy of internal and external adaptation to and congruity with the Chinese cultural imperative (Standaert, 1997, 2008b; Zürcher, 1994) and his willingness to establish a bridging project to accomplish equilibrium via a religio-cultural relationship already planted the seed of mutuality in the Jesuits’ Chinese way of proceeding.
To later harvest on mutual respect and mutual cultural accommodation, Valignano’s modo soave cinese (Ross, 1999) acted as a powerful catalyst for missionary success (Hoey, 2010). It pioneered a “civilizing project [underlined by author]” (Standaert, 1997, p. 610) that first of all grew from Chinese soil but in retrospect positively affected and transformed both parties involved. However, prior to any harvest there is planting, and prior to planting there is staffing. Having his tool kit compiled and in place, Valignano’s main concerns nonetheless came in pairs: the apparent shortfalls in his local religious
workforce that ministered to the Macanese parish and the general reluctance among his confreres to be sent into the Chinese vineyard of the Lord (D’Elia,
Thus, appealed to come to terms with the intellectual and personal shortcomings at hand, Valignano turned to Rodrigo Vicente (1523-1587), Jesuit provincial in Goa, to ask for a religiously, personally, and intellectually suitable priest to be sent to Macao to start winning China for Christ (D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:146 N. 204; Rienstra, 1986; Sebes, 1988). But instead of being resourced with his first choice Bernardino de Ferrariis (1537-1584)—at that time headmaster of the Jesuit College in Cochin (D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:148 N. 205)—Vicente sent Michele Ruggieri (1543-1607)—at that time already well advanced in years—from the College of Goa (Bettray, 1955; D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:147 N. 205; Harris, 1966). In all ranks not being second best, Ruggieri perfectly matched Valignano’s spiritual and personal job description of a uomo universale (Modras, 2004) necessary to bring the Gospel to and implement it in China. The messenger virtually melted into the message (McLuhan, 1964). Furthermore, Ruggieri was also known for his gift for language, which he had already proven in Cochin by quickly learning the indigenous tongue of the Malabar Coast, where he was able to hear confessions after six months of study (D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:148 N. 205). Equipped with maturity, virtue, and flawlessness—a highly appreciated talent—a special renown for venturesomeness, and voluntarily giving up to gain, as well as his superior’s trust in his success in promoting conversion in the Chinese Empire, Ruggieri took leave from Goa—the “Jesuit intellectual gateway to the East” (Üçerler, 2008, p. 155)—on 3 May 1579 to arrive in Macao on 20 July 1579 (D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:148 N. 205).
Here, instead of finding Valignano, he only found a letter from Valignano who had left for Japan and a minute instruction to his white hope (Schütte, 1951; Sebes, 1988). Seemingly from afar, Valignano ordered his proto-missionary to stretch his talents, to delve into learning to read, speak, and write
mandarina (D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:154 N. 207; Dunne, 1962; Raguin, 1990; Sebes, 1988), and to become acquainted with Chinese customs. To grant the largest possible intellectual space for this enterprise of achieving external adaptation and congruity and learning guanhua, Valignano dispensed Ruggieri—much to the displeasure of the Jesuit clergy in Macao (Bernard- Maitre, 1933; Dunne, 1962; Sebes, 1988)—from all ministry and parish work (D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:147 N. 204).
This free space was further extended locally in 1580. Apparently, due to a monetary donation, Ruggieri was able to build and then move into a separate house within the compound of the Jesuit Residence (Bernard-Maitre, 1933; Brockey, 2007; Gallagher, 1953; Ricci, 2010a). Here, in this house dedicated to St. Martin (D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:166 N. 219), he could avoid any outer
distraction and fully dedicate himself to his Chinese studies (Bernard-Maitre, 1933; Brockey, 2007; Gallagher, 1953; Ricci, 2000). Despite this free space, learning “’the Chinese language of the court’” (Brockey, 2007, p. 246) outside China was a difficult affair, even for someone as gifted as him.
On the one hand, Ruggieri had to understand that Chinese was not comparable to any Western language (Bettray, 1955; Brockey, 2007;
Gallagher, 1953; Letter of Matteo Ricci to Martino de Fornari—13.02.1583 in Ricci, 2001). Having no alphabet but tones, and even more signs than words, while learning the new tongue, Ruggieri could in fact and fortunately, follow “the techniques of grammatical analysis often used for teaching Latin and Greek” (Brockey, 2007, p. 244). But to make accessible the entire universe of the Chinese language, langue, and parole (Jäger, 2010), a different way of de facto incarnating guanhua was required than he was used to during his years of study (Brockey, 2007; Letter of Matteo Ricci to Martino de Fornari— 13.02.1583 in Ricci, 2001).
On the other hand, Ruggieri had soon to realize that learning the Nanjing dialect rather than fangyan- -Local Vernacular—Cantonese (Brockey, 2007) in a place far away from the court or any other administrative or
academic locality was practically impossible (Bettray, 1955; Gallagher, 1953). With no Chinese teaching tools and/or tutors available in Macao to teach guanhua to a foreigner—not to mention someone versed or something compiled in both Mandarin and Portuguese—Ruggieri took to a painter who knew some Portuguese to do the job (Bettray, 1955; Gallagher, 1953). The apparent act of desperation turned out to be a happy fortune.
In fact, this approach turned out to be a useful method to quickly learn the basics of spoken and literary guanhua. Additionally, it enabled Ruggieri to simultaneously refer to and benefit from mutual experiences and similarities as well as to acquire “awareness of the modes of thought […] inherent in Chinese […] tradition” (Brockey, 2007, p. 249). Precisely, the latter approach of understanding, then later referring to, and finally (over)emphasizing
similarities became fundamental to the Jesuits’ approach to convert China. It merged the aspired aim of striving for an internal—intellectual and
emotional—adaptation to, and congruity with the culture, education, and learning of the receiving Chinese environment with the possibility of achieving future internal and external (religious/ethical) alignment. Together with his particular tutor, Ruggieri worked through some
schoolbooks to learn Chinese like a Chinese child, viz., recognizing Chinese characters by his teacher drawing pictures together with related characters, and the pupil writing the pronunciation above the sign (Bettray, 1955;
Brockey, 2007; D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:155 N. 207). What took the form of a slow, arduous, and at first view, barely rewarding undertaking that focused more on speaking than writing (Brockey, 2007; Gallagher, 1953; Witek, 1988)
nonetheless became the starting signal for Ruggieri’s stepping into Chinese limelight, the foundation of the Romanization of the Chinese language, and later—between 1583 and 1588—for the first Chinese/foreign language dictionary (Brockey, 2007; Masini, 2005; Wendt, 2000).
In contrast to the linguistic travail, Ruggieri—mainly by the facilitating and catalysing help of some Chinese friends—made faster progresses in
becoming acquainted with Chinese formalities, culture, and customs (Sebes, 1988). On the whole, his progress in playing down his European background
to become Chinese on the level of wenhua- -culture, and wenming- -
language (Wang, 1991b, 1991c) seemed to him fast enough to ask
Valignano for his allowance to be sent in the midst of wolves (Sebes, 1988). As a result, in November 1580 Ruggieri ventured into the Chinese Empire with the first step: he accompanied Portuguese merchants on their regular semi-annual trade trip to Guangzhou (Dunne, 1962; Gallagher, 1953; Rienstra, 1986; Sebes, 1988).
There, Ruggieri not only attracted broad attention, but also displayed necessary prudence. He was immediately recognized by the Chinese and singled out from amongst the amorphous group of foreign traders, as his curiosity, awareness of everything Chinese, effort to carefully follow Chinese etiquette (Witek, 1988), and his supposedly broken but nonetheless already spoken guanhua gained the respect of the local official environment
(Gallagher, 1953; Sebes, 1988). Thus, starting in a positive sense “to ingratiate himself with the Chinese authorities” (Rienstra, 1986, p. 11), he was soon rewarded for his zeal to become Chinese to the Chinese (Sebes, 1988). After the first meeting with Chinese officials, Ruggieri was invited to attend all audiences granted to foreigners until the non-Chinese merchants had to return behind the solid wall at the end of the trade fair (Dunne, 1962; Gallagher, 1953; Sebes, 1988). Even if Ruggieri had to follow accepted customs, commercial practices, and his fellow countrymen back to Macao, his first tentative proof of external adaptation and congruity heralded a seismic shift.
Already during the second visit in April 1581, the Chinese mark of respect towards the curious and apparently harmless Jesuit had grown significantly (Dunne, 1962; Sebes, 1988). In consonance with his certainly increasing linguistic abilities and his mastery of Chinese customs, culture, and etiquette Ruggieri’s “civilizing project [underlined by author]” (Standaert, 1997, p. 610) towards a higher “social visibility” (Brockey, 2007, p. 244) redounded to his advantage. Present at all audiences, Ruggieri was now “recognized […] as a foreign scholar” (Sebes, 1988, p. 35)—a role that implied a constitutive, far- reaching, and groundbreaking change in position (Leys, 1987)—and was allowed to stand instead of being required to kneel like his, in the Chinese eyes uncivilized, compatriots (Doré, 1987; Dunne, 1962; Ricci, 2010a). Also regarding the question of lodging, Ruggieri experienced special
treatment. Other than the Macanese merchants, the Father was not obliged to stay aboard the ships during the evening and nights (Brockey, 2007; Gallagher, 1953). Instead, he was granted by official order (Ricci, 2010a) the
To set at ease his fellow countrymen and, adhering to his vow of poverty, to indirectly recompensate (Mt. 10:8) the Chinese facilitators and catalysts for the special treatment, Ruggieri showed his unselfishness and serviceability to both parties involved (O’Malley, 1993; Ricci, 2010a) free of charge (1 Cor. 9:18). Doing so, he not only turned a part of his temporary dwelling into a chapel to celebrate a daily mass, but also took up the role of an eager intermediary between foreign merchants and the local Chinese (Brockey, 2007; Ricci, 2010a)—a role Ruggieri would soon adopt to his own end to boost his reputation and, in so doing, would make acceptable for the greater good of the (future) China Mission.
When he returned during the autumn trade fair in the same year, the level of courtesy shown towards Ruggieri further increased. Already a constant in the mercantile-diplomatic network, his previously established guanxi- -
relationship (Bond, 1991; Flichy, 2012; Standaert, 1997) with important Mandarins (Gallagher, 1953; Ricci, 2010a), such as Guo Yingpin-
(1520-1586) “[G]overnor of Guangdong- Province (D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:156 N. 209), the chief naval mandarin[-Haidao- ], a [high-ranking] military mandarin[-Wuguan- ], and several retired officials” (Brockey, 2007, p. 32) bore fruit (D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:156 N. 209).
As these and other high-ranking scholar-officials started to visit Ruggieri in his house, to attend mass, and to accept presents (D’Elia, 1942, FR 1:156 N. 210; Gallagher, 1953; Sebes, 1988), such as “un Horiuolo di rote” (Ricci, 2010a, p. 115), and prisms, Ruggieri not only piqued and satisfied their curiosity but also initiated a lasting strategy to protect the China Mission (Brockey, 2007; Gallagher, 1953).
By gaining friendship and currying favour with those scholar-officials in good season, Ruggieri established a symbiotic guanxi-relationship (Flichy, 2012; Standaert, 1997) characterised by mutual (scientific) curiosity and (fruitful) exchange with a particular high-ranking circle of addressees. This gave his endeavours to gain foothold in China a first constitutive, strategic boost.
In seeking protection and validation by hiding himself under the shadow of the wings (Ps. 17:8) of some high(er)-ranking local Chinese patrons and protectors, he did not only (in)voluntarily mirror St. Francis Xavier’s approach of the Japan Mission (Fischer-Brunkow, 2002; Haub, 2002; Raguin, 1990; Sievernich, 2006), but was also able to fend off any xenophobic assaults. This laid the groundwork for the Jesuits’ Sinicized “’apostolate of influence’” (de Saldanha, 2012, p. 157). As a result, Ruggieri could soon work slowly and undisturbed by open violence and hostility towards
preparing the enterprise of conversion zishangerxia- -top down
(Brockey, 2007); and
winning “for Christianity an accepted place in Chinese life” (Leys, 1987, p. 39) from within the flourishing guanxi-relationship (personally) inside out. Also during his third visit to the spring trade fair of 1582, fortune favoured the brave. In lockstep with his efforts to become Chinese, signs of benevolence, courtesy, and friendliness from the Chinese side further multiplied (Dunne, 1962; Ricci, 2010a). Due “to the gentle pressure of sympathetic
understanding” (Dunne, 1962, p. 19), the wall, which for so many years had remained impenetrable, was about to become permeable.
This was the state of affairs Valignano encountered on his return to Macao from his first visit to Japan in March 1582 (Schütte, 1958; Sebes, 1988). He soon learned that Ruggieri, while being sent forth in the midst of wolves to do his missionizing job, had proven his talents and started to live up to
expectations. However, despite Ruggieri’s efforts regarding internal and external adaptation and congruity, and his hobnobbing with the Chinese local elite, a permanent residence in mainland China was still to be achieved. To allow the intellectual and pecuniary investments to finally pay off, Valignano had to dare to advance further. Convinced by what already