Chapter 3. A Methodology for Researching the Enactments of Place 3.1 Paradigmatic Assumptions
3.7 Methods of Data Analysis
3.7.5 Sample analysis
Reissman (2008) offers an analytic typology that I used to carry out my narrative analysis. She maintains that, “what makes such diverse texts ‘narrative’ is its sequence and its consequence: events are selected, organized, connected, and evaluated as meaningful for a particular audience” (p. 1). In the performative typology of narrative analysis, the influence of the investigator, setting, and social circumstances is taken into account with regards to the production and the interpretation of the narrative
(Reissman, 2008). Therefore, the interpretation is informed by ‘who’ the narrative may be directed towards and ‘why’, or for what purpose, the utterance is shared. I recognize that there is always a certain level of bias in the researcher/researched relationship, but this research examines how these biases influence the narratives under investigation.
Attention to the thematic content and structure of the narrative are completely abandoned, and select aspects of thematic and structural analysis are employed strategically in order to add dimension to the performative analysis (Reissman, 2008).
In applying Reissman’s performative typology of narrative analysis, my
procedure for data analysis involved multiple layers of listening. I developed an analytic framework and process to work through the stories that I gathered in the field. I devised a series of questions that pulled me through the data in a systematic way but still
allowed for the data to “glow” (MacLure, 2013). When the data “glows”, there is an emergence of sense or as MacLure (2013) goes on to explain, “the glow seems to invoke something abstract or intangible that exceeds propositional meaning, but also has a decidedly embodied aspect” (p. 661). As I pulled myself through a sound research process, which I outline below, I simultaneously reminded myself of instances where
thematizing the data to an extent may close off further possibility for understanding the data, especially when considering the audience reading my research. Certain data demands or defies the constraints of significations and the research must thus expose the limits of analysis, rationality, and explanations (MacLure, 2013). Thus,
interpretations and understanding are left open to the reader to absorb and interpret.
In the first and second listenings of the data, I investigate the narratives of place that are being told in the transcription of semi-‐structured interviews and thick
descriptive, observational field notes, along with the visual mappings of the Lynden docents and Washington Park Field School Students. I begin by asking the question:
what are the narratives of place? By uncovering the prevailing narratives of place, I could begin to understand the ways in which different types of place-‐based knowledge are constructed at each site and for what reasons the knowledge is being privileged.
Fully understanding the narratives of place means recognizing who creates the knowledge and how their position of power impacted the construction of their place-‐
based knowledge. The narratives of place began with the physicality of experiencing place first hand through community as people, as art, as artifact, as environment.
I examined each textual story through a myriad of a priori and emergent themes for narratives of place. I searched for key narratives of place as presented and offered by the speaker. By analyzing narratives of place with a thematic lens, a typology is constructed where the content of the narrative is examined and cases act as exemplars to illustrate a thematic extension on the existing theories of place. The narratives of place that emerged from my research included some from a priori categories
determined as part of the case study proposal. These narratives of place included stories centered around the physicality of place, places of memory, the importance of place, showing place in new ways, hidden curriculum of place-‐based learning, resisting place, reciprocity of place, spatial concepts of place (setting, tempo, movement, progression sequence, ambience, scale, territory, personalization and privacy), access to place, place-‐based learning as planned or lived. There were also a number of emergent narratives of place discovered while gathering data, for example: place as relational, unfamiliarity of place, familiarity of place, ephemerality of place, place as safe, place as collaboration, intimacy of place, and juxtaposition of place. By valuing emergent
narratives of place, I recognize that the speakers have their own, personal perspectives on place and understandings of place. These were a set of narratives not conceived at the onset of the case study proposal or perceived initially by the researcher.
The second listening involved looking carefully at the speakers’ narratives of place as representations within the visual mappings of experience. In the case study, experience mapping is a means of reflection and visually representing the speaker’s experience. Experience mapping may present a possibility to center one’s attention towards the built environment, the natural environment, and the social environment while amplifying one’s understandings towards the things that happen in the place. It includes multi-‐sensory traces of activity and behaviors that have occurred within the place as a whole. Experience mapping opened up new possibilities for learning about the variety of features of a landscape of interest and value to the speaker and also to different people related to the speaker. I analyzed the experience mappings, as visual
narratives with in the production of the image (my own observations and utterances of the speaker) along with the image itself. I analyzed, back and forth, between textual and visual narratives of place, as in many instances the two were closely intertwined. For example, in the field school, one student describes a personal narrative of place:
Some people were hanging their clothes out to dry. I thought that was pretty cool because a lot of neighborhoods they wouldn’t appreciate people doing that.
But we have to take into consideration like that there are a lot of different cultural norms… I can just tell their sense of being within their space. They didn't feel like it was someplace foreign to them; it seems like even if they hadn't lived there for too long it seems like they shaped those areas to make them it their own. So like something they would have been more familiar within at home like whether it’s large families living in one space or just like just how they kept their yards and things like that-‐-‐ just different ways that they used to make their space theirs (personal communication, June 18, 2014).
The student’s narrative of place begins as one of witnessing the physicality and materiality of place in surprising ways through the immigrants’ symbolic actions of hanging clothes to dry in their yard. She goes on to explain why this everyday action may be slightly out of the ordinary and significant. Place becomes a borderland that is envisioned in new ways.
The third layer of analysis focused on how the narrative of place expands or limits the learning and teaching that is happening within place-‐based education. This layer of analysis moves from an emphasis in the materiality of place to the discursive
qualities of place. I call these narratives of place-‐based learning. Some of the themes included: participants openness to change, ability to contextualize the learning, sensational learning, embodying a sense of active citizenship, real-‐world application, student-‐centered methods, collaboration between community members, drawing upon interdisciplinary experiences, multiplicity in narratives of place, privileging local ways of knowing, and empathetic awareness for surroundings (including people, environment, situation, etc.). Encountering these themes and uncovering the narratives of place-‐
based learning, allows my research to unfold in the area of understanding how may place-‐based pedagogical practices propel quality, learning experiences. The student’s narrative of place goes on, “I got to know these people, their lives, and what affected them, the prospects they wanted to see within their neighborhood, and the values they held important within the area” (personal communication, July 10, 2014). Her narrative of learning emphasizes a growing awareness and possibly empathy for her
surroundings. She embraces local ways of knowing, local themes, and local contexts and is able to contextualize local knowledge of residents within the significance of her research and actions. She honors her lived experience of the field school as getting to know the people of Washington Park a deep and meaningful experience.
Thus far, the first three layers of analysis interrogate the “what” and “how” of the story. As the analysis progresses, the fourth layer considers the “why” of the narratives. Why do narratives of place and learning, empower or repress the speaker, the institution, and/or the learners/residents? This layer takes into account the role of the audience and incorporates a perspective on storytelling to underscore the
importance of analytically including not only the narrator’s telling of a story, but also the role of the intended audience in storytelling, such as who is mentioned and/or absent in narratives and their role in the story (Sutherland, 2013). By searching the narratives of place and learning for the undercurrents how the stories live on to impact lives and voices of the narrator and their audience, I was able to further answer my research questions of what impact may the critical place-‐based learning of the two sites have on greater social issues of the local communities. I searched for stories that demonstrated performances of justification, refusal, ownership, democratic participation, self
awareness, taking opportunities to enhance personal growth, goal-‐setting, confidence/competence, prior experience, seeking change, impact/influence,
encouragement, questioning of opinions as indicators of empowerment or oppression for the speaker, institution, or learner/resident. These performance types were
emergent within the analysis. Towards the end of this particular narrative, the student denotes:
I feel that really helped me to become more a part of the neighborhood in a way that I can see what values or concerns are important [to the residents]…I just saw I was familiar with the large population of immigrants to the area. I have seen them driving when I was little and stuff like that, but I had never come across them. And now speaking to them and even though they can’t understand my language or I can’t understand their language, we got to know each other (personal communication, July 10, 2014).
Her story empowers herself as speaker. She acknowledges and juxtaposes her prior experiences to current ones. Long ago, she saw the Washington Park immigrant populations as foreign, these sightings yielded shallow and long-‐lasting assumptions.
Now, she compares the past to the self-‐awareness that she found through the process of the field school and face-‐to-‐face interactions with the immigrant populations of the residents. Though her narrative is framed with a romantic gesture (indeed it is hard to communicate without being able to physically understand one another), her narrative becomes a metaphor for disposition that remains open to possibility. Narrative analysis pulled me through the data in such a way, that I had an opportunity to search for meaning participants were conveying in connection to place, education, social
constructions, and in relation to my own perceptions on place. After working through all layers of my narrative analysis procedure, I was able to draw conclusions on how and why arts-‐based placemaking came into being and became important from the emplaced community-‐based art education at the two sites of the Lynden Sculpture Garden and Buildings-‐Landscapes-‐Field School.