There were only 10 runners included in this study, where 6 were sprinters, 3 were long distance, 1 was a thrower, and 2 of the 10 runners were female. These imbalances in the sample do not evenly encapsulate the diversity of runners; normative scores by Agresta et al. (2014) found there were differences between performance on the DS between males and females, where females tended to score lower than males. If there was a greater sample of females, it is possible this relationship could have had an effect on our correlations between the DS and running mechanics.
One limitation of the present study is the small sample size. After conducting a post-hoc power analysis, we found right peak hip flexion at the low speed to have a small effect size of 0.36 and top speed to have an effect size of 0.29, with a 0.12 and 0.11 statistical power achieved, respectively. To find statistical
significance at 0.8 power for these conditions would require 234 and 342 subjects. For left peak flexion at the low speed we found a small effect size of 0.19 and 0.4 at the top speed, where there was a 0.08 and 0.13 statistical power achieved, respectively. To find statistical significance for these conditions at 0.8 power, would require 862 and 186 subjects, respectively. The somewhat large number of subjects needed to find significance and smaller effect sizes, suggests that there is not a large difference in this hip flexion in Division III track and field runners.
For right peak hip extension at the low speed with an effect size of 1.11 and 1.06 at top speed, where there was a 0.43 and 0.41 statistical power achieved, respectively, to find statistical significance for these conditions which would require 26 and 28 subjects. For left peak hip extension at the low speed we found large effect sizes of 0.96 and 1.56 at the top speed, where there was a 0.36 and 0.66 statistical power achieved, respectively, to find statistical significance for these conditions which would require 34 and 14 subjects. The smaller sample sizes needed to achieve 0.8 power and larger effect sizes suggest that the differences in peak extension are more prominent than the ones in flexion size in Division III track and field runners and should be investigated further in future studies.
Implications
A proper sprint involves accelerating through 30-40 meters to reduce the amount of time running upright, which requires more energy, and is difficult to sustain. During acceleration, hip flexion
ROM is much greater while driving the knees up and forward, propelling the body forward when pushing hard off the ground with each step. After acceleration, top end running is most efficient when continuing to drive the knees to roughly 90 degrees ( flexion), and when making initial contact the foot should strike directly under the body, causing vertical lift, moving the body to double float which allows for an easier drive forward, and less braking forces when striking the ground. With limited ROM during swing, acceleration is more difficult, likely forcing the runner to erect their body sooner, later compensating for loss in acceleration by increasing stride length, which the forces from longer and lower strides increase risk of injury as the energy required is greater, and the braking forces from stepping in front of the hip puts strain on the body and slows the runner down.
Conclusion
Our results were in partial confirmation with our hypotheses. The self-reported hip tightness group had higher FMS DS scores than normal group, but the DS was not a significant predictor of peak hip flexion or extension while running. The self-reported hip tightness group showed altered running mechanics, marked by early toe-off, or less hip extension, and lower hip flexion angles during the swing phase on both sides. Overall, DS scores were in line with the normative values, but the self-reported hip tightness group was above the normative values.
Future studies could investigate these changes in running mechanics in
Sam Rosario
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Alexis Staubus
Abstract
In recent years, the international community has closely monitored the actions of Syrian president, Bashar-al Assad. Since the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War in 2011, President Assad has continued to incite widespread violence throughout Syria by committing mass atrocities that violate international laws. There is evidence to provide proof of President Assad’s connection to his crimes and that his crimes have killed and displaced millions of Syrians. However, the legalities of indicting a head of state and the special interests between the members of the United Nations Security Council create obstacles that make prosecuting President Assad near impossible in a traditional international court. This paper analyzes the prospects of President Assad being indicted by the international community and tried in a court for violating international laws. The cases of Slobodan Milošević and Charles Taylor are used to closely examine both the similarities and differences as they apply to President Assad. The close examinations and comparisons of these cases serve as the method in determining the best model for achieving an indictment and trial for President Assad. This paper
further examines how the creation and implementation of a special tribunal for President Assad’s case is the best available option for indicting President Assad on international law charges and holding a trial for his case.
Syria has been devastated by civil war and contentious politics for nearly seven years. In 2011, a protest opposing Syrian President, Bashar al- Assad, turned into a full-scale civil war in Syria (“Why is there a War,” 2018). However, the primary concern in Syria has not only been years of violent civil war and protests, but rather the focus has been on President Bashar al-Assad and his tactics for fighting in Syria’s civil war (Human Rights Watch, 2018). During Syria’s civil war, Assad has violated international laws and human rights by using torture, chemical weapons and nerve agents, starving and withholding humanitarian aid to Syrians, forcing disappearances and displacing thousands of Syrians (Human Rights Watch, 2018). These acts have resulted in the deaths of thousands of civilians and forced as many as 23 million pre- war Syrians out of the country (Ali & Escritt, 2018). Assad has clearly violated international law for years and has yet to face the international court for his crimes. This paper explores whether there is a possibility that Assad could be indicted by the international