In this section the researcher has explored literature pertaining to two very significant immigrants groups in the world and how the retail industries in their respective countries cater for their needs. These groups are the South Asian market in the United Kingdom and the Hispanics in the United States of America.
2.6.1 South Asian ethnic market in the United Kingdom (U.K)
The U.K is a diverse society with a long history of migration, and it has become increasingly multicultural in the last fifty years. In 2011, the minority group population in the U.K was estimated at 15% of the total U.K population, up from 8%
in 2001. This has resulted to an incredible ethnic consumer market in the U.K (Kachru et al., 2008:517).
Dana’s (2007: 253) study has looked at the immigrant food market in the U.K, and according to Dana’s findings, in 2003, ethnic food sales in the U.K via restaurants and takeaways were approximately 3.2 billion pounds of which over half was Indian and a third Chinese. In David’s (2010:104) opinion, the South Asian and Chinese ethnic retail markets account for 70% of the sales in UK’s ethnic retail industry.
The historical connection between Britain and the Indian sub-continent led to a tradition of South Asian immigration to Britain. Since the 1950’s, the size of the South Asian population has increased steadily. ‘South Asia’ is a term used to describe people from the Indian sub-continent primarily from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh.
According to the 2001 census results, 4.0% of the population of the U.K was of Indian descent (Herbert, 2007:15).
A study by Kittler and Sucher (2008:20) remarks that food is probably a strong cultural pillar for any culture, but it does seem to play a very strong role in the South Asian population. According to Kittler and Sucher (2008:21) South Asians commonly feel nostalgic about food from their home countries and desire the same items that they consumed prior to migration, which creates a market niche for selling indigenous food products in the U.K. A report by Mannur (2010:150) has also looked at the reasons why South Asians in the U.K prefer indigenous to local foods. Mannur’s (2010:150) study found that South Asians believe that consuming indigenous food products is a form of cultural expression, it offers public space where cultural divides can be bridged and also provides opportunities for communities to mix. In her opinion, Waxler-Morrison (2005:5) argues that South Asians in the U.K believe that cooking ethnic food at home is cheaper and healthier than getting a takeaway. Thus, Kittler & Sucher (2008:20) maintain that it explains why South Asian immigrants consider cost and authenticity as the most important decision making factors when purchasing ethnic cuisine.
In Shakur and D’Souza’s (2003:99) opinion, mainstream brands in the U.K have historically been minimally focused on specific ethnic audiences. According to Shakur and D’Souza (2003:99) this has partly been driven by the relative size and split of the audiences and also that data is not readily available for brands and their agencies to analyse in order to help determine whether targeting specific audiences would deliver the desired return on investment.
Dowling and Schmude (2007:2) argue that the lack of full commitment by U.K major grocers to satisfy the culinary needs of the South Asian market and the need to be self employed has greatly stimulated a high propensity towards entrepreneurship in the South Asian immigrant community in the U.K. According to Dowling and Schmude (2007:3) South Asians in Britain have traditionally focused on sole trader retail, wholesale, restaurant and business service sectors. For instance, Maxwell (2008:92) reports that in Bradford, there are over 200 South Asian owned restaurants and take-aways providing curries, baltis and tandoori cooking as well as more authentic
representations of Kashmiri and Moghul cuisine. Also, in Procter’s (2003:21) study, it was found that in Bradford there are hundreds of South Asian businesses providing specialty foods as well producers and distributors of ingredients, sauces and ready meals.
Although the majority of South Asian businesses in the U.K are micro or small with less than 10 employees, a few have expanded and grasped opportunities to break out of geographically proximate market boundaries. They have adapted and re-positioned their product offerings in order to attract a wider market nationally or internationally (Herbert, 2007:11). According to a study by Mintel (2009), although Chinese is Britain’s most popular cuisine with Indian coming a close second, in retail sales, Indian comes top, beating Chinese by 189million pounds.
A study by Stiles and Galbraith (2003: 11) remarks that South Asian retailers provide not only the basic staples of Indian cuisine but also fill other vital social functions.
According to Stiles and Galbraith (2003:11), South Asian specialist shops act as meeting points for South Asian immigrants and dissemination points for various types of information about different activities in the South Asian immigrant community.
Stiles and Galbraith (2003:140) also found that specialist shops in Britain can be compared to the village shop or post office in rural areas, connecting people and providing a sense of community.
A study by Sam and Berry (2006:456) argues that despite most South Asian adults claiming to eat ethnic cuisine in some form, the regularity with which they do so varies, with nearly two thirds only eating ethnic cuisine once a month at most. In a similar study, Atkins (2007: 195) argues that in addition to traditional food preparation practices, South Asians have adopted many other cooking methods and foods as a consequence of acculturation to the host society. According to Atkins (2007:195) others have adopted a tendency of replacing healthier components of the Asian diet (e.g fruits, vegetables and starchy cereal foods) with less desirable components of the Western diet (e.g high fat convenience and snack foods).
British Brand Group (2011:3) maintains that the growth in the South Asian ethnic food retail industry is incredible, with well established indigenous supermarkets like
Mumtaz and Medina Foods. However British Brand Group (2011:3) argues that most South Asian immigrants in the U.K prefer to buy their groceries at supermarkets of U.K’s four major chains. According to British Brand Group (20011:4) South Asian consumers prefer to do groceries of both homogenous and specialist products under one roof rather than visiting different specialist shops. However, Chapman (2002) remarks that its unfortunate that UK’s major supermarket chains do not always stock the necessary specialist products and ingredients required by the majority of South Asian consumers. Thus Phillips et al. (2004:37) posit that with the large changes in the U.K population, it is important for brands to build a more detailed understanding of who is consuming their products or services. According to Phillips et al. (2004:37) by building their knowledge, they will be able to understand the size and needs of the different markets in the U.K.
However, British Brand Group’s Director, John Noble reported in the organisations recent publication (British Brand Group 2011:2) that U.K supermarkets meet basic needs well but, for many, other factors have to be compromised in order to benefit from the convenience of “all under one roof”. He adds that “with an increasingly diverse U.K population but an increasingly homogenous retail offer with declining numbers of specialist and convenience stores, high levels of dissatisfaction are only set to increase”. However, Phillips et al. (2004:37) maintain that irrespective of these challenges, U.K’s ethnic foods retail market continues to develop as new cuisines arrive with incoming populations.
2.6.2 Hispanics ethnic market in the United States (U.S)
The Hispanic or Latino consumer market is broken down into persons originating or descending from Mexico, Puerto Rico, Cuba, South America, Central America or other Spanish speaking countries and cultures (Berube et al., 2006:5). The Hispanic population is the largest and fastest growing minority group in the U.S., notably in the Pacific Southwest, increasing both in size and purchasing power (Tienda et al., 2006:28). According to the National Association of Social Workers (2008:50) the general Hispanic consumer segment is estimated at 15% of the US population or 44.3 million consumers. An earlier study by Kipke (1999:48) estimates that the population of Hispanics will reach 25% of the US population by 2050. A study by Perkins
(2004:3) found that Hispanics account for 10 percent of the U.S buying power with higher expenditures on groceries. Perkins (2004:3) argues that the buying power of the Hispanics is the strongest of all ethnic groups in the U.S.
In Lovato’s (2006:43) opinion, food plays a very important role in the Hispanic culture. Lovato (2006: 43) argues that Hispanic shoppers spend more on food purchases because their families are usually big. According to Lovato (2006:44) a total of 54% of American Hispanics live in households with five or more persons.
Perkins (2004:4) adds that Hispanic families are more likely than other families to prepare and serve food at home. Perkins (2004:4) also maintains that cooking at home, scratch cooking and brand loyalty are also identifiable traits of the Hispanic community. According to Parkins (2006: 89) another important characteristic of the Hispanic population is that they are more geographically concentrated than non-Hispanics thus allowing retailers to more easily target the Hispanic ethnic market on the basis of location.
The growth and economic strength of the Hispanic ethnic group has not been overlooked by both specialist and homogenous grocery chains in the U.S (Mendoza de Villa, 2008: 65). According to Lantos (2011:197) most U.S food retailers have dedicated ethnic food aisles/sections in their stores, and they are allocating even more shelf-space to ethnic foods, including Hispanic products. For instance, supermarkets in Hispanic-oriented cities, such as Fiesta Mart, Inc, with locations throughout Texas, are strongly focused on satisfying the needs of the Hispanic market. Also, a study by Soto (2006:14) found that 86% of Hispanics are loyal patrons of Wal-Mart Stores.
However, Valdes (2002:185) argues that many Hispanics still prefer smaller grocery stores and convenience stores instead of large supermarkets. Valdes (2002:185) maintains that this is because many Hispanic immigrants come from small towns and villages where the weekly farmer’s market is the common place to do their shopping if food is not grown at home.
In a study conducted by Mendoza de Villa (2008:132) it was found that Hispanic foods are growing in popularity with non-Hispanic consumers and demand for Hispanic foods in U.S restaurants is growing at an incredible rate. Mendoza de Villa (2008: 132) adds that convenience-oriented Hispanics foods are growing in
popularity, especially among the mainstream U.S. population looking for efficient meal solutions.
However, Perkins (2004:59) maintain that despite the growing popularity of the Hispanic market in the U.S, many retailers are faced with a major challenge of accurately understanding this diverse and dispersed population. Perkins (2004:62) maintains that retailers who have failed in their attempt to market to Hispanics have failed to understand the nuances among the Hispanic population.
A study by Michman et al. (2003: 185) found that the Hispanic market may be sharing similar needs but not homogenous. Michman et al. (2003: 185) argue that although some foods and flavours may have a mass appeal throughout the Hispanic market, each country of origin has distinctive foods, differing tastes and preferences which need to be recognized. For example, Pederson (2008:217) argues that Goya Foods, the largest Hispanic-owned food company in the U.S. attributes its success to understanding the different needs of the various Hispanic markets and being able to serve them.
On the other hand, a study by Lee and Roberts (2008:35) maintains that despite the differences in their food needs, Hispanic consumers have some common shopping habits utilized by retailers to deeply understand the market. According to Lee and Roberts (2008:35) Hispanic shoppers look for fresh and authentic fruits and vegetables and also check prices, quality and service in their food decision making process. Nevertheless Mueller (2008:16-20) argues that the food practices and shopping preferences among Hispanics vary widely depending on their level of acculturation – how they are adapting to their new culture and surroundings. Lee and Roberts (2008:36) add that more acculturated Hispanics tend to purchase American foods that require less preparation, including frozen entrees and fast foods. A study by Patel and Rushefsky’s (2008: 94) uncovered that among Hispanics, acculturation has been found to be associated with health related risks such as dietary and nutrition behaviours as well as alcohol and drug abuse.
Nevertheless, the increasing population of Hispanics and their purchasing power has greatly influenced the U.S marketplace. Plus, the culinary influence of this minority group is dramatically affecting how all Americans, especially specialty food consumers eat.
2.7 Section Six: Summary of the chapter
This chapter has reviewed literature on a broad range of theoretical underpinnings on consumption behaviour with particular reference to immigrants. The researcher has explored the main themes in four sections in a bid to stimulate a deeper understanding of contemporary frameworks in the food consumption behaviour of immigrants in host countries. Very important findings and theoretical arguments have been advanced by scholars who have made significant contributions to the body of knowledge in consumer behaviour. However, some of these studies are not without a few conceptual, empirical, structural and methodological vacuums.
It is worthy to mention that the quality of arguments advanced in the different theories discussed in the collection of scholarship reviewed in this chapter is indicative of the profound challenges involved in studying the consumption behaviour of target markets. Not only does it require consideration of a wide range of theoretical material and perceptions, but like many aspects of human behaviour, it is very difficult to deal in absolutes. It is also one of the most difficult, dynamic, challenging and frustrating areas of study. In this concluding section of the chapter, this researcher looks at the major arguments discussed in the four sections of the chapter.
2.7.1 Main arguments in section one
As reported in the introduction of this chapter, the literature reviewed was focused on establishing culture’s impact on consumption behaviour. This emanated from the fact that cultural values have been advanced by numerous studies as the primary influence of immigrants’ food consumption behaviour. Prior to exploring the dynamics of culture and its effects on consumption the researcher took an insightful discussion on migration. Numerous studies (Manning, 2005:5; Keeley, 2009:10) assert that there is a very high population of immigrants in the world today; mostly from sub-Saharan Africa. Factors such as conflicts, economic crisis, natural disasters, diseases, and education have been advanced as the reasons for migration, with economic reasons having a foothold.
However, scholars argue that as the number of immigrants increases globally, so too are the challenges faced by immigrants prior to and on arrival in the host country.
Examples of challenges faced by immigrants in the host country include: lack of shelter, food, medical care, loss of family relations, unfamiliar food products and methods of consumption, xenophobia, stringent residential regulations and unemployment. As a result, immigrants are compelled to devise strategies that can enable them to adapt to the customs of the host society. The two adaptation methods advanced by the works reviewed in this chapter are acculturation and assimilation.
Scholars have also argued that the challenges encountered by immigrants in the host country greatly strengthen their connections back home in what has been described as
“transnationalisation”.
It is important to note that the different methods of immigrant adaptation are indicative of the fact that the welfare of immigrants is affected by and dependent on, directly or indirectly, by the cultural ways of the host society. In this light, this study argues that adaptation should be viewed as a collaborative partnership between the minority and mainstream population; one in which the immigrant’s well-being is also in the interest of the overall cohesiveness of the host country’s socio-cultural system.
This does not imply that the immigrant becomes a “native” or blindly accommodates the local cultural norms and practices. Rather, it is to recognise the fact that, for the most part, local cultural norms and practices, even those that are incompatible with the immigrant’s core values, are upheld by local people for a reason.
A noticeable aspect in the adaptation literature reviewed in this study is that in some of the studies, the meanings of adaptation and assimilation are unclear. Sometimes, what is meant by acculturation is actually assimilation. In other studies, assimilation is one of the methods of acculturation and in some acculturation and ethnic identification are treated synonymously. Such confusions over the concepts have led to varied interpretations of findings posing questions about the validity and the comparability of the results of the different studies.
Another very notable finding in the majority of the studies reviewed is that scholars place a lot more focus on immigration in North America. Very little academic studies have examined the substantial volumes of people who cross between many different cultural environments, especially to South Africa.
2.7.2 Main arguments in section two
In section two, this researcher has reviewed scholarship on consumption and culture.
The researcher commences by defining culture and consumption. The role and importance of culture in consumption has also been examined, followed by arguments on the relationship between food and culture pertaining to communication and cultural representation. Finally, the researcher looked at theoretical constructs on immigrant food consumption behaviour as well as a detailed insight on the factors that enable immigrants to adjust or modify their indigenous food consumption patterns in the host country.
It is important to highlight that the majority of the studies examined in this section appreciate the fact that culture primarily influences the consumption behaviour of consumers with a lot more emphasis on food consumption. These studies, with special reference to Becerik et al. (2006: 5), Egger (2006: 50), Monye (1999: 22) and Ho-Joo (2007: 8) ascertain that consumption of products is not a passive process, but an active one involving the consumption of signs and symbols (of meaning) and works like a language that is rooted in a system of meaning. Most researchers contributing to this body of work take the position that food tastes and practices are particularly good vehicles for cultural distinctions and identity. Special reference is made to the relevance of Bobo’s (2001: xviii) argument where he maintains that food is an ideal medium for examining the influence of social relations where the values, traditions, mores and enduring historical linkages of life are cultivated and preserved.
However, in this section, the researcher noticed that the majority of the studies lack a clearer understanding of how respective immigrant cultures impact the activities of immigrants in the host society. Many of the works have adopted constructs developed in a North American or European context and have then adapted these, where appropriate for use with other samples. Foner (2009:29) maintains that a notable example is the use of non-Chinese instruments by Western scholars to measure the consumption behaviour of Chinese immigrants in host societies like the US and Canada. This has compelled scholars like Liamputtong (2008:16) to argue that researchers must have a thorough understanding and knowledge of social, familial, cultural, religious, historical and political backgrounds of the sample population and, in some situations their communication styles, before embarking on cross-cultural
studies. According to Liamputtong (2008:16), it is often necessary that those who undertake cross-cultural studies are “insiders”, that is, those who share the same social, cultural, and linguistic characteristics as the research participants.
2.7.3 Main arguments in section three
2.7.3 Main arguments in section three