Secular Humanist Chaplains

The analysis of the data to Question (10) of the interviews [What in your view is the association between religion, morality and non-belief?] led to re-readings of literature and the examination of online video resources acquired on what it entails to develop a moral sense without reliance on religious directives; being good without god. From amidst these resources, the work of Greg M. Epstein stood out, not just for his publication (2007), ‘Good without God: What a billion nonreligious people do believe’, but also for his vocation as the Humanist Chaplain at Harvard University.

The idea of a humanist chaplaincy did relate to the interview outcomes in two key respects. Firstly, it was evident that for many participants (Janet, Pierce, Simphiwe) the entry into tertiary education is where they found or confirmed their identities as atheists. Secondly, the insights offered by Martinus on the institutionalisation of religion within the South African Military also identified the bias existent within a State entity, in favour of one particular religion, Christianity. In both sets of circumstance, on university campuses and in the military, it was apparent that the counselling services of a chaplain who had no religious affiliation would have been greatly valued by the community of non-religious persons within these institutions, and perhaps the religious as well. This point is raised, as a direct outcome of the interviews, to highlight a possible future prospect for the emergence of atheism in South Africa.

6.8. Chapter Conclusion

The justifiable trepidation with which this study was inaugurated at Research Proposal phase, particularly the ambition of undertaking interviews around the country, was rewarded 18-fold in ways which exceed even the academic research objectives of this study. Without any known and established South African body of formal academic research to work from on the areas engaged with in this project there was no knowing what the outcome of the interviews could look like, and correctly so for a study of this nature. The outcomes had to follow where the data led.

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The fact that the interviews, as a key pillar of this study were able to address the central research question with which this study set out, as well as the supporting research objectives, is attributable in large measure to the gracious, frank, insightful and often emotionally gripping manner in which the eighteen participants embraced this project. One of the striking aspects of the interviews which became patently clear during the first three interviews (Hameed, Anesh, Derek) and which was confirmed through the rest of the interviews, was how well versed atheists were on the subject of atheism, as well as religion. The deeply insightful responses received in every one of the 18 interviews, without exception, was reflective of a group of people who were very well read on matters of general knowledge, world affairs, history, media, philosophy, law, current affairs, and politics, amongst various other subjects which surfaced during discussions. In most instances participants were able to lead the discussions into areas relevant to the questions posed, in which they had no formal academic education but in which they were self-taught. It was this preparedness to go in search of new ideas, new literature, and new knowledge which, in many cases, formed the bedrock of their de-conversion from religion.

Although this study was commissioned with what was thought to be a well-considered literature review on the subject, it became apparent during the interviews as well as during the analysis of the interview data that due to the depth and breadth of the discussions, the literature resources had to be appropriately augmented, as guided by the critical issues raised during the interviews. As is evident from the analysis of the interview and as documented in this chapter, this brought the participants in dialogue with a wider range of literature, inclusive of online video and media resources which proved to be invaluable in reaching a more meaningful understanding of the lived realities of atheists, as well as their perceptions of the phenomenon of atheism in relation to their local, national and global contexts.

The body of existing and developing literature at an international level, dealing specifically with researching atheism and non-religion, by engaging with atheists themselves presented theories which served to foreground the analysis of the interview data. In this regard the works by Jesse Smith, Julie Krueger, Lois Lee, as well as the Nonreligion and Secularity Research Network (London) as a whole, contribute significantly to structuring the analysis

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and the reporting of the interview outcomes. It is also noted that my Master dissertation on the work of Christopher Hitchens, and the accompanying research which explored the development and phenomenon of the New Atheist Movement, supported constructive dialogue with participants who were very well versed with the leading personalities of this movement, as well as their works.

It was, however, in the interviews themselves that the real metal of this study was revealed through two essential blocks of data; the personal biographies and journeys to the point of de-conversion from religion, and the perceptions of participants of their atheism in relation to the social environments in which they live. The personal biographies which explored participant’s early histories within religious institutions and the practice of religion at home also pointed to the importance of understanding the broader socio-political context of South Africa during the period between the onset of Apartheid (1948) and its official political demise in 1994. This period witnessed the entrenchment and institutionalisation of religion within South African society and organs of State. Every participant interviewed was born into and grew out of this period in South Africa’s history. Recounting these personal biographies and the journeys to de-conversion from religion also helped explain why participants were so well-founded in their respective identities as atheists; having journeyed the path to atheism as a solitary and deeply self-reflective experience.

The participant’s perspectives on the social dimensions of the phenomenon, as guided by the questions (10-13), tended to gravitate towards the ideas of, firstly, secularism and secondly, a strong resistance to any suggested positive correlation, on the one hand, between either atheism and a lack of morality, or on the other, between religion and morality. Where participants did report a positive correlation between religion and morality, in recognition of the claim by many who do attribute the development of their moral sense to religious prescripts, the mantra of rigorous sociological analysis would need to be repeated here, that correlation is not causation.120 On the aspect of secularism, the general view amongst participants was that no religion should dictate the course of public policy

120 _{Green, N. 2012. Correlation is not causation. The Guardian, 6}th _{January. Available online at,}

https://www.theguardian.com/science/blog/2012/jan/06/correlation-causation. [Accessed on, 5th December 2016].

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formation. This was not to be taken as participants advocating for the freedom of religion to be curtailed in any way, but that in the context of a plurality of religious and non-religious worldviews religion should not have a direct influence on the shaping of public policy. A matter which stood out for special comment by participants was that of the place of religion within schools. Whilst there was no opposition to the teaching of religion as a subject in schools, the general consensus was that religious instruction and the proselytising of religion had no place in the schooling system. The interviews revealed that the ever-present challenge which is one for atheists and the religious to bear is the call to give up the centre on the basis that it belongs to no one particular worldview, neither the non-religious nor the religious, but to all. It is in this regard that the principles of secularism could start to take hold, i.e. that of the separation between religion and State, and the neutrality of the public realm and public policy in relation to the direct influence of religion, or non-religion for that matter.121

The impact of the interviews and the participants on this academic project cannot be overstated. From a researcher’s perspective, the interview outcomes surpassed the research objectives and expectations set out for this study by also opening up new and exciting vistas for future academic research within the area of atheism and more generally within the broader field of non-religion. From a personal perspective and in the interest of maintaining the necessary critical research distance, it is difficult to articulate the immense impact that the whole set of experiences relating to the interviews has had on me. It has been an absolute and treasured privilege to undertake this set of interviews with the participants. It will be fitting, therefore, to conclude this chapter with a story about one of the interviews conducted.

It was a Sunday morning and arrangements were made to meet Simphiwe, a 25 year old student, who suggested that we meet on Simmonds Street, Johannesburg, just outside Standard Bank, because he felt that it was too dangerous for me to meet with him closer to where he lived in central Johannesburg. Simphiwe’s safety was clearly a concern to me as a researcher, however, he did assure me that he was comfortable with the meeting

121 _{Taylor, C. 2009. The Religious-Secular Divide. [40.15 minutes] Available online at,}

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arrangements made. After Simphiwe arrived we had to decide on a venue for the interview, one which was conducive to an audible recording being obtained. After an unsuccessful search, a coffee shop at Newtown Precinct in downtown Johannesburg was thought reasonable. To our frustration no venues were open on a Sunday morning. In a split-second decision we decided to conduct the interview in my car in the basement parking lot at Newtown Precinct. Parked in a basement parking lot on a quiet winter Sunday morning, with two recorders on the car dashboard in what was almost a recording studio setting, I began to discover why and how a young lad from a rural upbringing in central KwaZulu Natal, would choose to turn away from his family’s religious heritage within African Traditional Religion and Christianity. As with every other interview conducted, which reflected its own uniqueness, Simphiwe’s account was also one of deep personal struggle in trying to answer some of life’s most testing questions. His was an identity which was clearly atheist in character, but one which was still reaching beyond being just a non-something; his was an identity still in search of a conceptual framework. In this case, the fact that Simphiwe might not have known fully what secular humanism actually meant as a philosophical worldview was of less consequence than the fact that he understood its make up as a lived reality for himself and the world around him. This central chapter of this study is fittingly brought to a close with Simphiwe’s closing remarks [57.12 minutes] to his interview.

“My belief is that the natural universe is the only reality……….I take full responsibility for my actions. I don’t have an imaginary God to blame or Satan. If I do a bad thing it’s on me. If I do a good thing, I say being good without God organisation, I don’t do it because I want to get to heaven or anything. If I want to do something, no matter how small, it’s from my heart. I want to do good to humanity, help where I can, not because of fear of going to hell or because I want to get rewarded by going to heaven after death. I know that death is the final stage. After death there is nothing. But if I feel like I want to do good to another human being, something that I do for me, I want to feel good about it, not because I want to get rewarded, or I feel going to heaven because there’s someone ticking boxes there up in heaven. I think my life has become better.”

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Chapter 7:

The Law, Religion and the Emergence of Atheism in South Africa

7.1. Chapter Introduction

Understanding the legal relationships between South African law and the realm of atheism and non-religion will necessitate a survey of the current and historical transactions between religion and South African law and how such history and legal outcomes have shaped South African legal jurisprudence and the post-1994 constitutional dispensation in relation to religion generally and atheism in particular. In effect, the focus will be the evolution of the South African political and legal/constitutional frameworks between 1948 to1996 and to the present. It is acknowledged at the outset, though, that whilst South African case law may not as yet reflect any specific legal test to which positions of atheism and non-religion may have been subjected, a scrutiny of proceedings and judgments involving the subject of religion does offer fair insights as to the civic and legal rights, duties and obligations which accrue to persons who do not hold to any faith-based religious belief system.

Also pertinent to this study is whether or not the current legal dispensation and jurisprudence reflects a greater measure of rights and/or duties accorded to persons and groupings that hold to a particular faith-based belief system, even where such privileging may sit contrary to any constitutional provisions. It is declared, also, that although this analysis will enter the ambit of ‘freedom of religion’, this subject is not the focus of this study, whilst it does offer a significant legal context to probe the relationship between the law and the realm of non-religion. Towards this end, entry into the areas of the secular, secularity and secularism become indispensible in framing this discussion.