2.4. Data Collection Methods
2.4.2. Semi-Structured, In-Depth Interviews
Interviews can be construed as a type of social interaction; a discussion.108 However they
differ, in so far as the topics for discussion are pre-defined by a researcher especially in semi-structured (or structured) interviews. Wengraf suggests that semi-structured interviews, precisely because of their nature, are more difficult to conduct and require more preparation and improvisation.109 Questions are designed to be open and at the same
time assist in obtaining the desired outcome, i.e. provide answers to the research questions and also allow participants the flexibility to talk about other issues. Quite often women talked about mazkomi zan dar jomea (women’s status in the society) because this term has been widely used in public debates and known to people, whereas they found it harder to explain and talk about domestic violence or violence against women. Some informants referred to it as sharat, azob, latu kub kardan, notinji (quarrel, beating (in two languages-Shugni (azob) and Tajik (latu kub kardan)), dispute). Semi-structured interviews were carried out with both key participants and general participants. With each interviewee an initial rapport was established. In addition to semi-structured interviews I also had informal conversations where participants talked about relevant issues and at the same time discussed matters that they considered to be important to mention and/or relevant to the research topic.
108 Holstein J and J. Gubrium. 1995. The Active Interview, Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, pp. 17-19. 109 Wengraf, T. 2001. Qualitative Research Interviewing, London: SAGE Publications, p. 5.
Semi-structured and in-depth interviews were used because they provide an opportunity to gain in-depth knowledge from participants about particular phenomena.110 These in-
depth and repeated interviews allowed me to build closer relationships with participants and through probes and follow-up questions to ‘construct as complete a picture as possible from the words and experiences of the participant’.111 The aim was to come as
close as possible to the ‘complete picture’ of women’s experiences, although I recognised that this was not fully achievable.
Age, marital status, educational background and work status were all taken into account with regard to all participants. Initial interviews were used to establish rapport, identify how well they fitted the selection criteria and to check their availability and to arrange the next meeting. The length of interviews varied. In some cases the interview lasted for one hour and in other cases up to three hours. This also depended on where the interview took place.
A total of approximately seventy interviews were conducted, of which thirty six were with ‘victims’ of violence. Almost every single woman I talked to had experienced some form of violence. It was therefore, in that sense, not difficult to find women who had been subjected to violence. However they did not see themselves as ‘victims’ of violence, because violence is perceived by them only in extreme forms. It was more difficult to recruit women who had reported violence to the police, even though in small town and rural places it was possible to identify them. It was difficult for them to talk about their experience. Other participants included nineteen police officers, seven from the office of the procuracy, eight judges, four representatives of the Committee on Women and Family Affairs, three volunteers of ‘shuroi zanon’ (women’s union), four representatives of national civil society, two religious clerks (‘mullahs), four lawyers who have had experience (whether direct or indirect- i.e. they did not represent cases in courts but have given advice) of dealing with divorce cases and child maintenance. Three women
110 Henn, et al. 2006.
111 DeMarrais and D. Stephen. 2004. “Introduction”, K. DeMarrais & S. Lapan (Eds.), Foundations for Research: Methods of Inquiry in Education and the Social Sciences, Erlbaum Associates, p. 2.
dropped out from the study for unknown reasons.
I decided to include secondary participants in this research in order to verify data, obtain a clearer picture and move closer to the reality.
2.4.2.1. Post-interview and Informal Conversations Notes
After the interview I summarized what was discussed during the interviews and key issues that came up to verify them with participants whenever was possible in order to avoid losing ‘as little as possible from the interview experience’. 112 This was also
important in those cases when there was no tape recording and notes were taken, particularly in informal conversations, or when the interviews took place in bazaars or in the field. The recollection of the interview in instant post-interview debriefing helped also to add additional information without ‘breaking contact and rapport with your informant’.113 Instant debriefing facilitated the identification of any words, concepts or
phrases that required further clarification through a follow up. It helped to make notes on the location, and other factors, e.g. if there were any or many interruptions. On one occasion during one interview with a police officer, although the interview took place in his office after office hours, there was constant interruption. Interruptions may raise concerns over confidentiality. I recognized the importance of the interview venue but it was not always possible to have a secure venue. Therefore, in order to avoid uncomfortable situations and raise concerns over confidentiality, participants could stop at any point and the interviews or informal conversation resumed when the participants felt comfortable. However it appeared that the lack of a proper venue or interruptions or presence of people nearby did not seem to concern most principal informants. This was more of an issue for secondary informants. It was essential to make instant notes whenever possible after interviews and conversations to avoid losing any information.
2.4.2.2. Language in Interview
The use of language during interviews is important. I carried out the interviews in
112 Wengraf, 2001, p. 209.
Shugni, Rushani 114 , Tajik and Russian languages (and English was used for a
questionnaire). VAW as a concept has not been introduced to the level that it is known to the wider public. It was important to be cautious of the vocabulary used in interviews, or making reference to specific terms, which might lead to the ‘creation of “sharedness of meanings” in which both interviewer and respondent understand the contextual nature of specific referents’.115 In order to avoid making the participants feel uncomfortable or
confused the words ‘violence against women’ were avoided. This may seem to be a concept familiar to some people in Tajikistan who work in the field of women’s rights. However many who are not part of these professional circles have not encountered this expression and are not familiar with the term. The term ‘violence against women’ was replaced with a more general term, such as ‘ill-treatment’’ towards women within the home and in society. The necessity for avoiding ‘violence against women’ also derived from the fact that there is no exact translation of this concept in the local languages, particularly languages that are based on oral tradition, such as Shugni and Rushani. Although there is a term that has been recently adopted and which is now quite frequently used in seminars, workshops and even the media on gender issues in Tajik language, it only refers to domestic violence (khushumati oilavi). As chapter 3 demonstrates, even among women’s groups and governmental and criminal justice system officers, there are ambiguities as to how VAW and domestic violence are defined.
Challenges were faced in translating the terms spousal abuse, physical violence, wife battering, wife beating, sexual assault and control, as there are no alternatives in Tajik and Russian languages. I aimed not to take any word or a phrase for granted and would follow up or ask for clarification, though often I was told ‘you forgot what it means, you forgot your native language [Shugni]’. For instance, ‘hitting’ was defined differently by different participants. Among key participants some refer to hitting as azob or latukub (both mean
114Sughni and Rushani languages are part of Pamiri languages spoken in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region in Tajikistan and Badakhshan region in Afghanistan. I am fluent in both, Shugni language being my mother tongue. See Luknitskiy, P. 1961. Pamir Bez Legend (Pamir, No Legends), Mosow: Nauka.
hitting but latukub is more severe than azob)¸ or use the phrase xasta, or notinje (dispute/quarrel).