Shrinking Cities: Initial Development of the Concept and Definitions Definitions

2.1.1 INITIAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE CONCEPT

Shetty and Luescher provide a succinct history of the development of the

“shrinking cities” concept, calling particular attention to Germany’s Shrinking Cities Project (2002–2008) as the progenitor of the topic within international urban design and planning circles (2013). In the aftermath of German reunification, cities in the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) lost population rapidly (some up to thirty percent within ten years) to places with better job prospects and living conditions in the former Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). Responses to this population decline were limited to the housing market and included vast demolitions. Interested individuals and groups outside of the government recognized that social and economic repercussions to this rapid depopulation were not being discussed. Into this interdisciplinary search

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for explanations and solutions stepped the German Federal Cultural Foundation. The resulting Shrinking Cities Project investigated urban shrinkage in England, Germany, Japan, Russia, and the United States. Participants included artists, architects, scientists, and local contributors, seeking to break up the “otherwise subject-specific discussion and addressing an interdisciplinary and international audience, perceiving shrinking cities not only as an economic, social, and planning challenge, but above all as a cultural change” (Rieniets, 2005). The project led to a series of exhibitions in these five nations and three foundational publications: Shrinking Cities Vols. 1 and 2 and the Atlas of Shrinking Cities (Herbold, 2006). The most vital outcome was the identification of urban shrinkage due to population loss and economic decline as a distinct and unique process, which enabled the initiation of a dialogue centered around the issue (Luescher

& Shetty, 2013).

2.1.2 EVOLVING DEFINITIONS AND CONNOTATIONS

Comprehension of the concept of shrinking cities is made difficult due to the vague nature of the term “shrinking.” Here, the word is not being used to denote a city that is getting physically smaller, like a puddle of water drying in the sun. Instead, the term is being used to describe a city that is remaining the same size in terms of boundaries and built infrastructure, but which is decreasing significantly in terms of population and economic strength, correlated with areas of population decline and vacancy (Pallagst K. , 2008).

The dominant operative definition of the phenomenon of shrinking cities is that of the Shrinking Cities International Research Network (SCIRN) at the University of California at Berkeley. This type of city is characterized as “a densely populated urban area with a minimum population of 10,000 residents that has faced population losses in large parts for more than two years and is undergoing economic transformations with some symptoms of a structural crisis” (Wiechmann, 2006; Hollander J. B., Pallagst, Schwarz, & Popper, 2009, p. 6). Population loss has been used as a measure of urban decline since at least the 1980s. Bradbury et al. suggest two reasons for its use as a

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valid urban indicator. First, that the desirability of a city which is losing population can be called into doubt, as “why would more people be leaving a place than entering it if it weren’t less healthy or attractive than other places?” (1982, p. 18). Secondly, that it can be considered as a simplified indicator of broader issues, representing more complicated issues in an easily measurable manner.

Notwithstanding Bradbury et al.’s argument for using population decline as a significant, independent, defining characteristic of shrinking cities, Martinez-Fernandez et al. suggested an augmentation of the SCIRN’s definition that includes the specification of multiple characteristics, such as “population loss, economic downturn, employment decline and social problems” as constituent symptoms of the structural crisis affecting shrinking cities (2012, p. 214). These researchers push the ramifications of shrinking or urban shrinkage beyond population decline, emphasizing the multidimensionality of both the shrinking process and its effects, including “economic, demographic, geographic, social and physical dimensions that … continue to evolve as a result of new global and local realities.” All of these are “generally understood to follow deindustrialization” (Martinez-Fernandez, Audirac, Fol, & Cunningham-Sabot, 2012, p. 214).

Despite the operational adoption of terms such as “urban shrinkage” in Europe, and particularly in Germany, which has been at the forefront of shrinking cities research and activism, the term is still stigmatized or taboo in the United States (Leo &

Anderson, 2006; Hollander J. B., Pallagst, Schwarz, & Popper, 2009; Pallagst K. , 2010; Wiechmann & Pallagst, 2012). Acknowledging that a city is shrinking is seen in many places as acknowledging that a city has failed or is failing. This perception is perhaps due to the historical U.S. preoccupation with growth and competition between cities in attracting residents and businesses (Leo & Anderson, 2006; Martinez-Fernandez, Audirac, Fol, & Cunningham-Sabot, 2012; Schilling & Mallach, 2012).

The occurrence of shrinking cities has put a spotlight onto the preoccupation with growth, and it has led to an exposure of the weakness of planning’s fundamental

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assumptions in this area. One basic problem is the fear that governments and leaders have of exposing their population losses, much less beginning to proactively tackle them; they simply “cannot think positively about a city that is not growing” (Gans, 1975, p. 307). In 2007, St. Louis’ Planning Director claimed that “the dogma of growth is so inherent to cities, that no mayor will address shrinkage.” Director Rollin Stanley went on to explain why, asserting that “It’s stigmatic of failure. He will never get reelected” (Allweil, 2007, p. 92).

In the face of political unwillingness to use the term, as well as the ambiguous nature of urban/metropolitan relationships, another term has arisen to describe these cities, “Legacy Cities.” This term was created during the 110^th American Assembly in April, 2011, and specifically refers to “a group of American cities that have rich histories and assets, and yet have struggled to stay relevant in an ever-changing global economy” (The American Assembly of Columbia University, 2011, p. 0; Mallach A. , Personal Communication, 2013). This definition continues in the multidimensional vein of Martinez-Fernandez et al., to describe a complicated process and create a specific identify for shrinking cities. These “American legacy cities were once industrial powerhouses and hubs of business, retail, and services…” that since the middle of the last century “have seen sustained loss of jobs and population, and now face daunting economic, social, physical, and operational challenges.” Nevertheless, they maintain important assets that can be “catalysts for regeneration, including vital downtown areas, stable and historic neighborhoods, multimodal transportation networks, vibrant universities and medical centers, and rich artistic and cultural resources” (Mallach & Brachman, Regenerating America's Legacy Cities, 2013, pp. 2-3).

While the terms “shrinking cities” and “Legacy Cities” are used interchangeably, the various ways in which they have been defined or referenced illustrates the evolving nature of the concept (Giloth & Meier, 2012). Initially seen as a term to describe cities that were losing population and undergoing fundamental

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economic transformations, “shrinking cities” has been customized by researchers such as Martinez-Fernandez et al. to include additional dimensions and a recognition of the effects of both global and local economic realities upon a city. Pushing that recognition further, and moving away from the term “shrinking,” Legacy Cities encompasses the multidimensional effects and causes of industrial change and brings in the local physical and social assets which will be the building blocks as well as catalysts of future urban transformation. In this thesis, the term “shrinking cities” will be used, in keeping with the dominant terminology in the field, but with an understanding of the complex causes and effects associated with urban decline, as well as the individual assets and challenges that cause each shrinking city to be unique.