THE SOCIAL ROLE OF THE TOOL

Generally, skill may relate to the social purpose of the tool with prestige and ritual items exhibiting more skill and tools which were not considered important exhibiting less skill (4.4).

Various scholars have shown that prestige goods tend to exhibit more skill: see Edmonds and Thomas (1987) for British material; Karlin and Julien (1994, 159–160) for French Magdalenian flint; Sievert (1992, 12–13; 1999, 61-62) for the Maya. See also Olausson (1998). In ancient Egyptian too, there is evidence that particular tool types and tools exhibiting particular skill were restricted to the elite (5.2.3).

As is stated in Chapter 4, it is suggested that there is a relationship between wealth, prestige and ritual, but furthermore that some direct indicators of skill for example, bifaces, may also relate to ritual. The evidence for ritual lithic items exhibiting skill is particularly evident for Early Dynastic Egypt where large bifacial flint knives are found in ritual deposits (4.3.7.2). However, for later periods there is no evidence for the link. In fact, the flint tool found with an execration deposit at Mirgissa was a simple blade (maps 2 and 9; 5.2.2.1). Perhaps in later periods, the material rather than form was important.

Related to this is the question of ad hoc or expedient tools, that is non-formal tools not requiring a great deal of skill in manufacture (see Parry and Kelly 1987, 286– 289 for further characteristics of this technology). The degree to which flint decline is related to expediency is discussed in more detail below (3.2.5). Here I simply state that

82 evidence for skill is also affected by the degree to which a society places value on formal shapes, and this may vary. Informal shapes, i.e. ad hoc tools, do not necessarily mean that a material is unimportant, that it is in decline. The social role of the tool may not always manifest in its shape. However, as will be discussed below, because of the nature of Egyptian culture one would expect that in ancient Egypt social role was related to form.

3.2.3.4 EFFICIENCY

Making efficient use of raw materials without wastage is arguably closely connected to skill (Bodu et al. 1990, 152; Hartenberger and Runnels 2001, 267–268). However, because it is difficult to measure efficiency with the material available, and because of the problems of assuming the Egyptians strove for efficiency, I have therefore chosen not to measure efficiency per se, though recognise its link with skill.

Efficiency is linked with specialisation (Torrence 1986, 157–162; Hartenberger and Runnels 2001). However, efficiency is additionally linked to competition (Costin 1991, 37–39) and situations where the aim is to produce large quantities at low cost. Thus, as Clark (1987, 271–272), has suggested, blade technology only makes sense where it is necessary to produce many more tools than needed by a single household. Efficiency is also a factor of availability of raw materials. I discuss factors affecting availability of flint, this thesis, 4.4 and 5.2.3.

We have to be careful of not projecting a capitalist view on the past, assuming a universal desire for lack of waste. There are opposing views concerning the general ‘economic aims’ of the Egyptians and their desire for efficiency. Janssen (1975a and 1975b) shows the Egyptian generally lacked economic awareness, though he does not deal specifically with efficient exploitation of raw materials. Kemp (1989, 252) however, does not believe that the Egyptians were so different from us and affirms his belief that they wanted to get a ‘good price’ for their investment. However, he also states (Kemp 1989, 125) ‘It is typical of the ancient lack of interest in the idea of efficiency that standardization does not seem to have been a conscious goal’. Even if the Egyptians wished to maximise output per capita, we cannot say that they were as attuned to the efficiency ideal as post-Fordian societies. For example, it is clear that in pottery production, the Egyptians used several small kilns, each with its own team or workers rather than one large, more efficient kiln.

Assuming that efficiency relates to skill for Egypt, how may we measure it? Refitting and platform preparation may show efficient use of cores. Unfortunately,

83 refitting is not possible for most material in British museums. Hartenberger and

Runnels (2001, 268) measure workshop efficiency by presence of blade core trimming pieces, such as crested blades (lames à crête), and frequency of blades with trapezoidal versus triangular cross-section. Trapezoidal blades indicate thorough use of cores. However, for Egypt we have few clearly identified workshop areas (Appendix 1.2).

3.2.3.5 SPECIALISATION

Specialisation and skill are interrelated. Skill is an indirect indicator of specialisation (Costin 1991, 39) and since one would expect both within a complex society where flint is widely used, there seems no problem in conflating the two.

However, decline in specialisation does not necessarily equate with general flint decline. For the Levant, decline in chipped stone was accompanied by increased specialization and changes in distribution, probably more related to ‘evolution of social complexity than to technological developments…and thus may have influenced the adoption of metallurgy’ (Rosen 1996, 131, 153 note 1). Rosen recognised evidence for increased specialization in: distribution variability between different core, waste and tool types and the discovery of primary and secondary workshop sites with some elements being manufactured on site and others being imported (Rosen 1986, 1987, 1988b, 1989b. See also Torrence’s (1979) work on Early Bronze Age Greek obsidian, and Martinez-Fernández (1997) for Andulasia, Spain. In these cases specialisation is seen as the reason for skill increase against a background of decline in flint use.

However, in societies where there is a high degree of specialisation in several technologies, including flint-working, one would assume that decline in flint

specialisation was a factor of the decreasing importance of flint, at least in the realm of prestige (i.e. it may still have been important as a utilitarian material).

Torrence (1979) suggests that two traits indicate specialisation: • Restricted access to raw materials

• Technological efficiency

Roux (1990, 145) defines three types of data that suggest specialisation:

84 • Spatial criteria; intra- and inter-site distribution, spatial organisation of the

chaîne opératoire, regional diffusion

• Qualitative criteria; function, product standardisation, or the emergence of ‘microstyles’: i.e. craftsmen’s marks which would enable us to distinguish individual productions

Different levels of skill within one assemblage may be due to ‘laziness’ among certain groups or may indicate apprentices (e.g. Pigeot 1990; Roux 1991; Karlin and Julien 1994). However, since such groups would be consistently present through time, they should not bias the results.